ITS PUBLIC AFFAIRS
"This work naturally divided itself into two parts, distinct from each other in some ways, yet interwoven in some resepects.
THE HURONS AND THE EARLY FRENCH
As the island called Beausoliel's, which is marked on maps as Prince Wm. Henry, lies if the course of a canoe paddled across the entrance of Matchedash Bay, from the rocky islands of the eastern shore to the opposite mainland of Simcoe County, we may infer the most convenient landing place to be somewhere on this mainland opposite the south corner of this island. One of the Ojibway names of this island has a meaning descriptive of its position, lying as it does across the channel. The same island (Beausoliel's), has yielded remains of Hurons, thus affording further proof of having been on the line of travel in that early time.
On arriving among the Hurons, Le Caron began his missionary work, but made slow progress until he gained some knowledge of their language. Champlain arrived at the Huron village of Otouacha on Aug. 1, 1615; next day he went to another village called Carmaron, a French league distant. He next visited two other places with even more frightful names (Touaguainchain and Tequenonquiaye): thence to Carhagouha, fortified by a triple palisade of wood, thirty-five feet high. They banquetted him at these places, and he describes in his Journal, with considerable detail, the course of events, giving also descriptions of the products of the districts through which he passed. Then, after visits to five more of the principal villages, he reached Cahiague, with its 200 lodges, on Aug. 17. After some waiting, he went from Cahiague on Sept. 1, with a war party of Hurons against the Iroquois, passing on his way, the fishing station of the Indians at the Narrows, which he describes, thence proceeding by way of Balsam Lake and the chain of waterways now known as the Trent route.
Having returned to the Huron country in December from this expedition against the Iroquois, Champlain repaired to Carhagouha and found Le Caron, who had, in the meantime, continued his labors among the Hurons. After a few weeks' rest, the two made a tour in February, 1616, to villages and towns of the Tobacco Nation in Nottawasaga Township, an to the tribe called "Chevaux Releves," living further west in the valley of the Beaver River. In the succeeding summer, both of these pioneers returned from the Huron country to Quebec.
After this beginning through Joseph Le Caron, the missionaries of the Franciscan Order labored among the Hurons at intervals for more than ten years. In fact, till 1629, the Order continued their Huron missions, the annals of which are given by Sagard in his two books printed in 1632 and 1636 respectively, and in which he also describes the Hurons themselves, as they appeared to him. The Order of St. Francis was a brotherhood of bare-footed friars, who formed themselves into a fraternity in the Thirteenth century; and being of a more humble disposition than the Jesuits, their labors in our county have been less known, yet none the less worthy.
De la Roche Daillon, a member of the Order, left Quebec in 1626 with a party of Hurons gathered there to trade, and with him Brebeuf and De la Noue of the Jesuit Order, all bound for the country of the Hurons. He has left a narrative of his experiences, and Sigard includes it in his history. On Oct. 18, Daillon started from Huronia to visit the more remote Indian tribes in this province. He went by way of the Tobacco Nation, and then made his famous tour among the Neutrals, who lived in the territory westward from Lake Ontario to the St. Clair. On his return to the Hurons in 1627 he did not remain long among them, but soon went to Quebec, leaving his colleagues at work among the natives of this county.
The once numerous nations of the Huron Indians, whom Champlain and the Franciscan missionaries found in this county were so important in its early history that they deserve a separate volume. Accordingly, it will be only a mere outline of them which this present work can contain. But as relics of these Indians are to be seen in museums throughout every part of the world, having been taken from the county at one time or another, and for which it has become famous, it would be an omission, even in a general sketch, to pass this subject in silence. The three kinds of their remains best known are their village sites, burial pits, and trails in the forest, to each of which a few remarks must be devoted.
There are evidences in the early French writers of an increase of population in the Huron territory (now North Simcoe), from which we may infer that migrations took place. Champlain and Le Caron, in 1615, reckoned 17 or 18 villages in the area, with 10,000 persons. Brebeuf, in 1635- 20 years later- found 20 villages and about 30,000 souls. [Relations (Canadian edition), 1635, p.33; 1636, p.138.] Here is evidence of an influx from some quarter into the sheltered peninsula
of North Simcoe, between the years 1615 and 1635. Yet, further, according to the Jesuits, there were in the year 1639 thirty-two inhabited villages of the Hurons in the same territory.
There is no reason to doubt the accuracy of the statements for those particular years, but there are sites of upwards of four hundred Huron villages within that area. All these, however, were not occupied at the same time, as the remains show; some had evidently been abandoned before the arrival of the French, because all research has failed to reveal any traces of French intercourse; while others yield abundant evidence of the presence of French traders. The Hurons were incessantly harassed by the hostile Iroquois tribes, and compelled to shift their habitations from time to time; their filthy domestic habits also rendered it impossible for them to remain long in one place. They were thus obliged to lead a half nomadic life, although they were quite stationary when compared to the Ojibways, Ottawas, and other tribes of the Algonquin peoples. And hence it came that only a few of the Huron villages, whose remains are still traceable, were occupied at the times of the census returns just mentioned.
The sites of nearly all these villages are marked by artificial heaps on the surface of the ground, ahses and debris at some distance below the surface, stone and bone implements, fragments of pottery in great abundance, besides many other relics. Articles of early French manufacture are often found. These villages were of various sizes, ranging from two or three lodges to extensive hamlets. The largest site in the county known to us covers an area of more than fifteen acres. Many of them were palisaded; but nearly all traces of fortification have been obliterated from the surface, owing to the great length of time that has elapsed since they were deserted. Nearly all the Huron villages were situated on elevated ground where the soil is light, but close to a supply of fresh water, and in several cases it is possible to locate a chain of villages lying along a particular trail, whose direction depended on the physical features of the region.
With many of the more important villages in the Huron country there are associated ossuaries, or bone-pits. Since the year 1819, when Simcoe County first began to receive European settlers, discoveries of Huron ossuaries have been constantly taking place. The number of these discovered and undiscovered, has been variously estimated; more than one hundred and fifty have already been excavated by different persons, but chiefly by the farmers. As to the number of skeletons in each pit, a great diversity exists. The ossuary of average size contains about three hundred, but a few have been found in the Townships of Tay and Tiny containing, at a moderate estimate, more than a thousand, while others contain less than a dozen. These, however, are exceptional cases. The Hurons selected light, sandy soil, almost invaribly for the pits, clearly because they had no good implements for digging heavy soils.
The Huron mode of burial resembled in some respects that of the Sioux, Blackfeet, and other North-west tribes of our own day. The body was placed, after death, upon a scaffold supported by four upright poles. At regular intervals of time the skeletons were collected from the scaffolds and buried in a large pit dug for the purpose.
Brebeuf's account of the burial ceremony, (Relations, des Jesuites, 1636), has been fully confirmed by excavation of the ossuaries. In most cases, the small bones of the feet and hands, and such as could easily be blown from the scaffolds or removed by carrion-eating fowls, are not to be found, showing that the bodies were exposed on the scaffold before interment. In a few instances it is possible to find some large bones of the limbs (femora, tibiae, humeri), arranged in bundles of a size convenient for carrying. Although the thongs which bound them together have entirely perished, the surrounding soil kept them in their original position.
Further proof of the strange mode of burial among the Hurons exists in the fact that the dimensions of the pit are almost always less than would have been required for dead bodies. No definite arrangement of the bones in a pit can be traced; although one sometimes observes that all the skulls have been placed with the face downward- an arrangement by no means universally adopted. The few ossuaries in which entire bodies were buried together, can easily be distinguished from the prevailing variety. When buried in this way, as sometimes may have occured after a massacre, it was usual to arrange the bodies regularly with their feet toward the centre of the pit.
After the arrival of the French, brass kettles were often buried with the bones. These were purposely damaged at the time of interment by knocking a large hole in the bottom with a tomahawk. Many of these kettles have been found in some ossuaries especially in those of the Townships of Medonte, Tiny and Tay. Besides kettles, they buried copper and stone axes, chisels, and, in fact, almost everything to be found in a Huron household.
The third class of Huron remains- the trails- have been singularly preserved from obliteration by succeeding Algonquin tribes. These tribes followed the original trails that were used by the Hurons in the seventeenth century, and kept them open down to the clearing of the forest by the white settlers. Our knowledge of the location of these trails comes chiefly from pioneers of the district, who themselves used the trails before opening the present public roads. From the fact that the sites of the Huron villages are now found along the same trails, it is clear that the paths recently closed were the original Huron trails. The foregoing remarks on the village sites, burials and trails apply to the Tobacco Nation, which dwelt in Nottawasaga Township when the Hurons dwelt in the north-east part of the county.
The story of the Jesuit missions to the Huron Indians has often been told; but as new facts arise in connection with the subject, such a story will easily bear repetition in the light of the new facts.
Intrepid missionaries of every creed, many of them working without colleagues or helpers of any kind, have ranged far and near among the habitations of all kinds of aboriginal peoples. Yet the labors of none surpass in zeal or in strength of organization those of Brebeuf and his band of associates during their fifteen years of toil between the Georgian Bay and Lake Simcoe.
Briefly given by years, and in the order of their arrival, the roll of these missionaries stands thus:-
In 1634, Brebeuf, with Daniel and Davost, reached the Huron country; next year, Pijart and Le Merciercame; again, three more- Jogues, Chastellain and Garnier; then Ragueneau; and the following summer, Jerome Lalemant, Le Moyne and De Peron. This brings us down to the year 1639, the date of he building of Ste. Marie on the Wye, as their headquarters, after which a few others came.
Father Daniel, in 1648, was the first of these to lose his life. This occurred during the destruction of Teanaustaye, at which Huron town they had established the mission of St. Joseph. At the present day many iron tomahawks have been found near the site of this town; and at a solitary spot on the way to the next mission town of St. Michael, the owner of the land found great numbers of these weapons. At this place the ground was bestrewed with tomahawks so thickly as to suggest that it was the scene of an Indian battle.
In the destruction of St. Louis during the next year the Iroquois captured Brebeuf and Gabriel Lalemant, and took them back to St. Ignace, where they put them to death. The geographical position of St. Ignace has been an open question for many years. As at least half a dozen places had been suggested, the writer, ten years ago, visited all the Huron village sites known to him, within reasonable distance of Ste. Marie on the Wye, and reached the conclusion that it was on lot 11, concession 9, of Tay. Since that time two other places have been suggested, both at greater distances from Ste. Marie, but it does not appear that their claims are as good as those of the one on lot 11. The question is more fully dealt with in another work on the antiquities of the district, and so it need not be taken up in this general sketch.
A modern post village in Medonte Township bears the name of Mount St. Louis, perhaps meant to commemorate the old mission, although there is a geographical error in thus naming the place; it would have been more properly called Mount St. Joseph, as the mission of St. Louis itself was about ten miles further north.
Finally, Garnier was among the slain at the capture of the mission town of St. Jean in the Tobacco Nation; and his companion, Chabanel, was murdered by a Huron a few days later. Thus, there were five Jesuit priests martyred in the Huron country.
The remains of the mission headquarters of Ste. Marie on the Wye may still be seen where the River Wye issues from Mud Lake, being known as the Old Fort. They are in a much-neglected condition.
A Memorial Church at Penetanguishene was erected to commemorate the lives of these martyrs. Built in the prevailing style of the continent of Europe, with "turrets twain," which one also frequently sees in the Province of Quebec, in crowns the high ground in that northern town and overlooks the picturesque bay. The parish and church-the handsome new structure also- were named Ste. Anne's at first, after the early mission near there. The indefatigable efforts of the late Rev. Father Laboreau, the pastor, were devoted for many years towards the completion of this work. The corner stone was laid Sept. 5th, 1886, and the building was far enough advanced by 1890 to allow services to be held in the basement. It was dedicated in 1902.
It would be an omission not to speak, at least briefly, of the "Relations" of these missionaries- the reports of their work in the Huron country (as well as in other parts of Canada), to the heads of their order in Quebec and in France. Like other books written on the field of action, especially books of travel, they breathe the open air of forest, lake and river. Notwithstanding the monotony of the particulars about conversions and sacraments, occupying so much space in their pages, and the drawback of having been written amid dangers and interruptions of every kind in rude mission lodges, they have a simplicity and charm perculiar to themselves.
The original editions of the "Relations" have been for a long time among the rarest of books. The three-volume reprint, made in 1858, by the Canadian Government, has also become a rarity. And the new series, published by the Burrows Brothers Company, of Cleveland, Ohio, will soon follow in the same direction. The later issue has an advantage for English readers over the former one, inasmuch as the text is translated into English, the original French being given on the opposite page.
Besides the fact that they are edifying, these "Relations" have been the chief authorities from which Canadian historians have drawn much information, although the Recollets preceded the Jesuits in this country, and also left a few volumes of original materials.
In many ways the labors of these Jesuit missionaries, and the books they have left us, will remain a prominent feature in the history of this country.
The great explorer, La Salle, with his party of twenty-five men, passed this way in his expedition to the Illinois in, in 1680. Making his way from Fort Frontenac, he followed up the River Humber, then crossed to Lake Simcoe, and thence by the Georgian Bay, he reached Michilimackinac. Again, in his expedition of the following year he took the same route.
"At the beginning of autumn," says Dr. Scadding, "he was at Toronto, where the long and difficult portage to Lake Simcoe detained him a fortnight. He spent a part of it in writing an account of what had lately occured, to a correspondent in France." He concludes his letter thus: "I have a hundred things to write, but you could not believe how hard it is to do it among Indians. The canoes and their lading must be got over the portages, and I must speak to them continually, and bear all their importunity, or else they will do nothing I want. I hope to write more at leisure next year, and tell you the end of this business, which I hope will turn out well; for I have M. de Tonty, who is full of zeal; thirty Frenchmen, all good men, without reckoning such as I cannot trust, and more than a hundred Indians, some of them Shawanoes, and others from New England, all of whom know how to use guns." With so many encumbrances, it was October before he reached the Georgian Bay. Then falls a long silence over the country of the ancient Hurons and its environs, during which (for a whole century) very little is known of what was happening there.
THE OJIBWAYS AND THEIR SURRENDERS OF THE LANDS
With the massacres of 1649 and 1650, the Hurons vanish from these parts, and the events therein occurring, for more than a century afterward, are less known. When we begin to hear of the region again the Indians are all Ojibways. Some writers have asserted that these Algonquin tribes came from the north shore of Georgian Bay and spread over the abandoned country of the Hurons; but onw should not forget the populous tribes of Algonquins who, in the days when the early Jesuits had a mission among them, lived in the Townships of North and South Orillia. There are no existing records to show that these tribes were ever completely displaced from their ancient possessions, although it is natural to suppose the massacre perpetrated by the Iroquois in their neighborhood would inspire them with fear and cause them to retreat for at least a brief period.
One writer on the traditional history of the Ojibways, George Copway, has asserted that some Iroquois did take up their abode in the land from which they had driven the Hurons, and maintained settlements, of which the principal one was near Orillia; but the tradition is yet unconfirmed by actual history. The regions has teemed with traditions of battles in various places between the Ojibways and their hereditary enemies, the unrelenting Iroquois; and indeed every burial pit of the Huron tribes brought to light has been accounted for as the result of some battle, by those unacquainted with Huron burial practices. Another writer asserts that soon after the massacres of the Hurons there was a migration, in 1653, to this country and other parts of Southern Ontario of Mississagas who had been inhabiting the banks of a river of that name in Algoma, and after them the Ojibways, from near Sult Ste. Marie. (Canadian Journal, Vol. 3, old series, p. 209). Whatever may be the value of these traditions, the first travellers, after the beginning of British rule in the eighteenth century, found Ojibways in the district now comprised within our county.
Some remarkable names have from time to time been given to Lake Simcoe, more especially by the Ojibways; and it may be of present interest to review the circumstances under which they have been applied, more especially as there are some fragments of history in them. The earliest term by which Lake Simcoe was known was "Ouentaron," or "Ouentironk," which signified in the language of the Huron Indians who applied it, "Beautiful Lake," from which we would infer that Huron taste was aesthetic. Lahontan, in 1687, called it Lake Toronto, signifying, "gateway," or "pass," in the Huron language; and many subsequent map-makers adopted this name for it.
The later French traders gave it the name of "Aux Claies," which referred to hurdles, or latticework, employed in the taking of fish. May not the explanation of this term be found in the rows of stakes, of the fence at the Narrows, whose identification with the contrivance seen by Champlain, and described in his journal, was due to the late Joseph Wallace, sen., of Orillia? It is within the range of possibilities that he ancient collection of stakes or fish-weir at the Narrows, had some connection with this name. Lac aux Claies, frequently becoming corrupted into Le Clie, continued to be the name given for many years.
The Ojibways of this district in the eighteenth century knew it by the name "Ashuniong," or, as it is sometimes given- Shain-e-ong, Sheniong, or Sinion. The Rev. Dr. Scadding in a note to his paper on "The Toronto Landing," says this word, Sinion, or Sheniong is interpreted by some to mean "Silver Lake." For another account of the meaning and origin of this name we are indebted to Dr. A.F. Chamberlain, formerly of Toronto. As stated to him, in 1888, by an aged member of the Mississaga band at Lake Scugog, which formerly dwelt at Lake Simcoe, "Ashuniong" means "The place of the dog-call," and is derived from the Algonquin word, Ashuniun, "To call a dog." Various words in the Algonquin vocabulary are but the early French words Indianized, and this name of Lake Simcoe is so suspiciously like the French "chien" for "dog" as to suggest some connection with it. The French "chien" enters into other geographical names, as in "Prairie du Chien," so it might be in this. Be that as it may, Dr. Chamberlain obtained the Mississage tradition of the naming of Lake Simcoe thus: "Early one calm day an Indian beside the lake thought he heard some one calling a dog, Ashuniun! Ashuniun! The voice could be heard plainly, but there was nobody to be seen. So our people call the lake Ashuniong, the place of the dog-call."
In the manuscript notebook compiled at Mr. St. George's trading post at the Narrows, which bears the date 1802, and is preserved in the Toronto Public Library, Lake Simcoe appears to be called "Tepanignon," but the meaning of the term is not clear.
Again, in Cobway's "Traditional History of the Ojibway Nation," the writer of which once belonged to the Rice and Mud Lake bands, he calls Lake Simcoe, "Wahweyagahmah." This name occurs fequently throughout parts of Canada where Algonquins have been settled, and means in their language "Round Lake." It is an appropriate one for this lake, as without the bays at the south and west, its shape is quite round.
In 1793 Governor Simcoe gave it the name by which it has ever since been known, not in honor of himself, but of his father, Capt. Simcoe, R.N.
The official document which attests the purchase of the land at Penetanguishene from the Indians, has some curiosities in the way of orthography, for the Indian chiefs seemed to have possessed names which no ordinary linguist can be expected to articulate without a good deal of practice:
The Treaty, which bore these formidable signatures, was made at York, May 22, 1798 and was signed by Wm. Claus, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, on behalf of the British Government, and by George Cowan, Indian iterpreter.
The bargain was for a tract of land adjacent to the harbor of Penetanguishene. For £101, Quebec currency, those five chiefs "gave, granted, etc., that tract butted and bounded as follows:-
"Beginning at the head southwesternmost angle of a bay situated above certain French ruins, (i.e., the head of Mud Lake, at the lower end of which is the ruin of Ste. Marie on the Wye, as shown on the sketch of the purchase accompanying the treaty) the head or southwesternmost angle of the said bay being called by the Indians Opetikuoyawsing; thence north 70 degrees west to a bay of Lake Huron, called by the Indians Nottoway Sague Bay; thence around the shore to the place of beginning, containing all the land therein, together with the islands in the Harbour of Penetanguishene."
In the subsequent treaty of 1815, the length of the line from Opetiguoyawsing, which was near Wyebridge of the present time, to Nottawasaga Bay, is said to be seven and a half miles. The tract of land purchased by this treaty of 1798 was all included in the Townships of Tiny and Tay.
Previous to this treaty of 1798, there had been a surrender in 1795 of the land adjacent to Penetanguishene harbor, which was intended as a camping place for the traders. But this earlier transaction was an "agreement to purchase," as it appears, the actual treaty not having been made till 1798.
After the visit of Governor Simcoe to Matchedash Bay in 1793, the harbor at Penetanguishene, which he had the sagacity to recognize as a desirable place for a fort, had continually been coveted by the Government. And the negotiations leading up to the final surrender of the harbor by the Indians in 1798, all had their origin in his choice.
A few years later another preliminary treaty with the Ojibways agreed for the purchase of the tract of land between Kempenfeldt Bay and the Penetanguishene purchase. And in connection with the boundaries of this new purchase, Samuel S. Wilmot made an exploration of the territory in March, 1808. A stone mark at the water edge, twenty chains west of Kempenfeldt Sand Point, as described in various Indian treaties of this period, was the starting point for this measurement of their boundaries. From this important spot, Wilmot surveyed the Penetanguishene Road in 1811, and it thus became the southerly end of the Oro-Vespra townline, as well as the point of departure of the military highway. The object in buying this tract from the Indians at this time appears to be to open a road by which the North-West Company could transport their furs from Lake Huron to York (Toronto), thereby avoiding the circuitous route of Lake Erie and the inconvenience of passing along the American frontier. At any rate, this was the object alleged in Smyth's Gazetteer, published in 1813.
The preliminary treaty just mentioned was an "agreement to purchase," and this appears to be the tenure during the time of the war, when the road was hastily opened for military and naval purposes. It was not until Nov. 17th, 1815, that the actual treaty was agreed to, and signed. The three chiefs who ceded the new territory were Kinaybicoinini, Aisaince and Misquuckkey- names perhaps all frightful enough, yet in which we have no difficulty in recognizing the more familiar Snake, Aisance and Yellowhead. These three chiefs granted the tract of land bounded as follows:-
The consideration the chiefs recieved for this tract was £4,000. A line from the stone boundary at Kempenfeldt, projected at the angle mentioned in the treaty, would reach the shore of Tiny Township somewhere in the vicinity of Six Mile Point, according to our modern maps.
The treaty of Oct. 17th, 1818, completed the surrender of the territory from Lake Ontario to the Georgian Bay (then called Lake Huron unreservedly) and was the most extensive of all. Four chiefs, or principal men of the Ojibway nation, took part in the negotiations, viz.:-
And a fifth, named, Manitobinince, or Devil's Bird, with some kind of fish as his totem, apparently the pike, also describes his "devilish" name to the treaty, although he does not figure in the text itself. These chiefs for the yearly sum of £1,200, granted the tract thus bounded:-
The reader has, perhaps, already observed how the process of buying the several parts of Simcoe County from the Indians took place from north to south, a direction quite the reverse of what we might expect.
The annual distribution of presents for these and other land surrenders took place at Holland Landing in 1827 and 1828, as well as in previous years; then at Orillia and at Present Island near Penetanguishene and Midland until 1835; then at Manitoulin Island for the first time in 1836, and afterward always there. Thus the busiest theatre of Indian life at the dawn of white settlement was just where, in the seventeenth century, Champlain and the early French missionaries had found so many Hurons. But it was now shifting northward before the advancing tide of civilization not to return.
The most prominent or best known of the Ojibway chiefs who signed the treaties for the cessions of the different parts of the county was Musquakie, or Yellowhead. For many years he was the head chief over all the Ojibway chiefs in the district, and was a famous man in his day, his memory being still kept green in the name of "Muskoka." The Government built, in 1831, a residence in Orillia for Yellowhead; the building afterwards became the first St. James' parsonage, and still exists, though in a much changed conditioned, as a private residence, having being moved to another street some years ago from its original position near the present parsonage on Neywash Street. In the Council House, also built about the same time, the early missionaries of all denominations of religion held services. It thus became known also as the Old Mission House, and as the Anglican Church was the first to send a regular clergyman to Orillia, in 1841, it was the first church of that denomination in the town, the accompanying illustration of that historic building, having been drawn by the Rev. Canon Greene from plans and descriptions. It was moved to another site, bricked over, and, like the first parsonage, exists at the present day in a modified shape.
Musquakie, or William Yellowhead had his jaw shatterd by a ball in the war of 1812, and the wound ever afterwards during his life showed as a defect in the side of his face. He died at an advanced age, the burial taking place on January 14th, 1864. The register of St. James, in Orillia, gives his age at death at 95 years, yet many persons believed at the time of his death that his age exceeded 100 years, and Thomas McMurray gives this current belief in his book on Muskoka and Parry Sound. (Bracebridge, 1871). At page 36, Mr. McMurray says:-
His body lies in St. James' Churchyard at Orillia. In his will he professed faith in the Christian doctrines.
In the days of the pioneers the Indians were much more numerous throughout this county than they are on the reserves to-day, and in view of thier numbers were of more importance in the life of the new country. In their system for governing themselves, the Ojibways had at least some well defined notions of land-holding and proprietary rights, when the first white settlers arrived and found them in occupation of the soil. They had divided off the land among different familes or bands for hunting grounds, and observed these bounds quite strictly. Thus, John Jack and his brother Jonas had from the lake which bears his name (Jack's Lake) westward to the Blue Mountains; the band or sub-band, at Snake's Island, had a portion of the adjacent Township of Innisfil; Musquakie, or Yellowhead, had his own lake now spelled Muskoka Lake; and so on.
The first Indian Agent in this district was Capt. Thos. Gummersall Anderson, who had been a fur trader on the Mississippi and its tributaries till the war of 1812-15. After the war he was placed on the staff of the Indian Department, and lived at Drummond Island. In 1828, when that station passed into the hands of the United States, he came to Penetanguishene, and two years later moved with his family to Coldwater. In 1837 he moved to Manitoulin Island, and on the death of Col. Jarvis (1845) he was promoted to the position of Superintendent of Indian Affairs. He finally moved his family to Cobourg in 1847, in and near which place he spent the remainder of his life. He died in 1875 in his 97th year. A sketch of his career, with illustrations, appears in the Sixth volume of the Papers and Records of the Ontario Historical Society, along with some reminiscences of his times.
Prior to 1830, the Indians had wandered indiscriminately about the Lake Simcoe region; but in that year, Sir John Colborne, the Lieut-Governor, collected them on a reserve of 9,800 acres, stretching from the Narrows to Coldwater. They consisted for the most part of three bands of Ojibways under Chiefs Yellowhead, Aisance, and Snake, besides a band of Pottawatamies, lately from Drummond Island, or Michigan. They numbered in all about 500, and were placed under the superitendence of Capt. T.G. Anderson. The headquarters of Chief Snake's band was the island named after him; Yellowhead's band, which afterward removed to Rama, was then located at Orillia and the Narrows; while that of Chief Aisance was setteled at Coldwater, the other extremity of the reserve. A road was at once cleared from the Narrows to Coldwater along the famous trail; and during 1831 a line of houses was built by the Government at a distance of a mile apart over a portion of the route. Shortly afterward the Government also erected, at Coldwater, a store, a school, and a grist mill, the latter of which began operations in 1833.
This reserve was on different occasions visited by Rev. Peter Jones, and many are the interesting references to it in his published works. Mrs. Anna Jameson, the distinguished authoress, passed that way in 1837, and records her observations and experiences in Winter Studies and Summer Rambles (Vol. 3). She also recounts at considerable length her visit to the Indians of Manitoulin Island with Capt. Anderson. Other travellers have also left accounts of this early Reserve. John Carruthers, in his Retrospect, has also preserved a glimpse of the locality and its inhabitants as they appeared in 1833.
The Indians on this reserve made rapid progress in the peaceful arts of the white men, according to the extant report for 1835 of Mr. Andreson, the Superintendent. There was a threatened outbreak of cholera among them in 1832, as we learn from the following letter, but fortunately it passed over without serious trouble.
(Sgd.) PETER ROBINSON.
In 1836 the Indians surrendered this Reserve to the Government. Yellowhead's band removed, in 1838, from Orillia and the Narrows to Rama, where they made a purchase of 1,600 acres of land for £800- paid out of their annuities. According to the surveyor, Chas. Rankin, quoted in Lord Durham's Report (p. 174, edn. 1902), the settlers of Rama Township, after a trial of three years, had abandoned their farms on which they had made improvements. They had met with such serious difficulties from being separated by lands in the midst of their settlements owned by speculators, who had no intention of settling them, that they had not made the necessary roads. In this way Rama had become available for the Indians in 1838. Aisance's band settled at Coldwater, removed to Beausoliel and Christian Islands, where they have resided ever since.
With the Reserve thus broken up in 1836-38, were connected the names of several teachers and missionaries: Law, Currie, Sawyer, Mulkins, Moffatt, Miss Manwaring, besides Rev. Messrs. Case, Miller, Stinson, Allison, Belton, and Scott. Mr. Anderson, the Superintendent, visited Manitoulin Island in 1835, and shortly afterwards removed there to take charge of the extensive Indian establishment formed upon the island at that time.
In Sir. F.B. Head's first year (1836), he removed from this county the annual delivery of presents, and held it at Manitoulin Island, to induce the Indians to retreat before "the accursed progress of civilization," and to retire upon the islands, as far as possible from white men- a course which Sir John Colborne had also strongly recommended. Yet, from the very despatch (No. 95), in which Sir Francis B. Head advocated this humane service for the red men, it appears he also possessed a knowledge of the fact that many Indians were living on rich lands, with white neighbours execrating their indolence, drunkenness, etc., without making a single effort to improve them. The plan advocated and introduced by Elder Case and his co-workers, viz., to have Indian schools to overcome the degenerating surroundings the natives were living amidst, was obviously not that of Sir F.B. Head. Nowadays, the Government Indian schools everywhere, but more especially in the newer provinces, show that a vast change has taken place in the policy of the Government.
Evidences of a different state of affairs in those times where everywhere plainly to be seen. For example, we read in the Journal of the Rev. Peter Jones, in June, 1827, when the distribution of presents was annually held at Holland Landing, how that Chief W. Snake complained of Mr. Borland and Philemon Squires, threatening to flog him if he did not leave off attending the Methodist meetings, and how that the traders were exasperated generally at the Indians becoming a sober people. Restriction of a few traders would have been easier than moving the entire Indian nations, yet such was the remedy proposed and partly carried into effect.
Placing the Indians on islands and tracts of worthless land was really a practice copied from Maine, New York, and other border states, at that day. And although Head execrated everything republican, or what he was pleased to call "the low, grovelling principles of democracy," he copied really more from the United States than he thought he did. If in such barren, desert places, Indians failed to prosper as farmers, it does little credit to the white men to find fault with them for it.
The question of removing the Indians remained a live one for some years. A General Council of Indian Chiefs and Principal Men was held at Orillia, on July 30th and 31st, 1846, on the proposed removal of the smaller communities, and the establishment of manual labor schools. The minutes of this council were printed in a pamphlet at Montreal, the same year, from notes taken in shorthand, and otherwise, by Henry Baldwin, barrister-at-law, of Peterborough, secretary to the chiefs in council. A number of clergymen, residing in the district, were present at this council, of which the place of meeting is named in the pamphlet as the "Lake Simcoe Narrows."
THE DAYS OF THE FUR TRADERS Some Noteworthy Pioneer Traders
Across the water of Matchedash Bay, from the village of Fesserton, or more precisely, opposite Bush's Point, are the remains of buildings known among the settlers there as "The Chimneys." On the shore at that place you could see, as the name indicates, an assemblage of old stone chimneys, which marked the dwelling place in the eighteenth century of an Indian trader and his family. About forty acres of a clearing were to been seen before the settlers came, and the stone foundations of some houses, while quite near the shore were the remains of a larger building, and beside it a stone well. It was near this trading fort- the habitation of an early trader named Cowan- that Governor Simcoe encamped when on his memorable expedition to Matchedash Bay in 1793; and although his Excellency visited Penetanguishene Bay at the time, this was the remotest camp pitched during the expedition. The volume of Transactions of the Canadian Institute for October, 1890, contains the diary of Sheriff Macdonell, who accompanied General Simcoe and party on that occasion. It gives an extended sketch of this trader, from which we extract a few sentences:
A grandson of his died on March 23rd, 1892, near Penetanguishene, at the ripe age of 86 years. Wm. Cowan was born at Richmond Hill, May 15th, 1806, became one of the earliest settlers of Simcoe County, and saw a large share of its pioneer life. His father was killed by some unknown parties when he was four years old, and he was brought up by his maternal grandmother, who kept a wayside hostelry at Hogg's Hollow, (now York Mills), at the time of the war of 1812. One of this woman's sons, James Remi Vallieres, became a distinguished lawyer and rose to the Chief Justiceship of Lower Canada. This boy and Cowan were playmates, in youth, at their home on Yonge Street. With his grandmother, young Cowan came to the military post at the mouth of the Nottawasaga River, in June, 1816, where they stayed for two years and kept a canteen for the sale of cookery, whiskey, etc., to the soldiers. (The name of her second husband was Asher Mundy, an American and their only son, Israel Mundy, was lighthouse keeper near Penetanguishene for many years, surviving till December, 1888.) When the soldiers removed to Penetanguishene from Nottawasaga, in 1818, she also removed her canteen. She was a noted person in her day and lived to be more than a centenarian. Young Cowan went, when sixteen years old, with the survey party of Captains Bayfield and Collins, then engaged in making a hydrographic survey of Georgian Bay and the other upper lakes. He was subsequently two years with the Hudson's Bay Company, at Nipissing, and three years fur trading at Fort William; always, however, making his headquarters at Penetanguishene. He received a grant of land south of that place, and with his wife, a woman of Indian blood, settled upon it about 1865, where he remained till the time of his death. He was a most agreeable and mild-tempered man, not given to chasing for notoriety in the slightest degree, and as a result he was unknown to fame; but the eventful times he had seen, and the experiences he had passed through, entitle him to receive a notice in the chronicles of the district.
During the early years of the nineteenth century, the region at the south end of Georgian Bay, and the route by way of Lake Simcoe and the lakes to the east, held among fur traders a favorite position, both as regards their traffic and as a place for development with a view to making it a base for supplies. For instance, we find John Johnston, of Sault Ste. Marie, writing in 1809 in his Account of Lake Superior (in Les Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Ouest, by L.R. Mason, Vol. 2), in these words:-
The early traders had used the Ottawa and Lake Nipissing route, because, as one writer says, "this (travelling in canoes), was found to be both a quicker and cheaper mode of transportation than in sailing vessels on the lakes." It is recorded that one of the partners of the Mackinac Trading Company of 1778 lived at Matchedash (probably the Mr. Cowan above-mentioned). Since he did not use the Trent or the Toronto route the reason for the disuse of Lake Simcoe as the highway of the fur trade in the eighteenth century is perhaps to be found in the canoes travelling by another route.
As early as 1785 Lieut.-Gov. Hamilton instructed John Collins, the Deputy Surveyor-General, to make a survey of the communication between the Bay of Quinte and Lake Huron, by way of Lake La Clie (i.e. Lake Simcoe). A copy of the instruction appears in Mr. J.J. Murphy's paper on the first surveys in Ontario, printed in Proceedings of the O.L. Surveyors, 1898, page 230.
As early as 1802, Mr. Quetton St. George had a trading post at the Narrows of Lake Simcoe and Couchiching for the purpose of bartering with the Indians, who had from time immemorial made that point a favorite rendezvous. This distinguished French gentleman, along with others, had emigrated to Canada in 1798, and acquired an estate in the "Oak Ridges" on Yonge Street; but finding this speculation rather profitless, as Dr. Scadding informs us, he resorted to trading with the Indians in the remoter parts of the province. For this purpose he established several trading posts in various parts of the country, one of which was near Atherley, at the Narrows. In the Public Library of Toronto there is preserved a manuscript note book which did service at this early trading post. It bears the date 1802, and contains a short vocabulary of Indian words, evidently the work of a clerk who, in order to master the words that he was obliged to make use of every day, wrote them down with their English meanings.
Mr. St. George carried on a prosperous trade with the Indians, with whom he was very popular. They called him Wau-be-way-quon, which means "white hat," as it was his custom to wear a white hat in the summer season. Just how long he continued his trading post, it is not easy to say; but he gave up business, it is supposed, some time previous to 1820, and returned to France, having amassed a fortune in his enterprises.
The well-known firm of Indian traders, Borland, Laughton & Roe, of Newmarket and Holland Landing, had a trading post at the Narrows at an early date, and maintained it for some years. Owing to its being frequented by the Indians in considerable numbers from the earliest times, Orillia, as well as the Narrows, made a favorite point for the operations of the traders. In 1862-63, the Hudson's Bay Company established a trading post at Orillia, and continued it for about seventeen years, with Thomas Goffatt in charge. At about the same period (1866, etc.), Dr. J. Mitchell was the agent of the Hudson's Bay Company at Penetanguishene.
To a considerable degree, the old Nor'-Westers, who were mostly Highlanders, and their employees chiefly French-Canadians, were crowded out by the union of the two fur companies in 1821. The influence of the original Hudson's Bay Company men became paramount in the new concern, as did the name of he new company itself. Many faithful servants of the late North-West Company were left without a job, as the combined staffs were more than the work required. Many others became dissatisfied and left of their own accord.
It was from some such cause as the foregoing that John McDonald, the chief factor of the North-West Company, in the early twenties, betook himself to the life of a civilian, and settled on lot 5, on the east side of the Penetanguishene Road, a mile north of the Kempenfeldt town lot. Here James Soules, of Big Bay Point, built a shanty for him; and, as McDonald had a good library, Soules received in part payment for the work some of his books, including such books as Plutarch's Lives, and Jane Porter's Scottish Chiefs.
Like many a fur trader of those days, McDonald's wife was a squaw who had (like Pocahontas and Capt. John Smith), saved his life when the warriors of her tribe in the far west were going to end his days abruptly. There was no priest anywhere near them to perform the marriage ceremony, so they were not married except by Indian custon. In the course of time more than half a dozen children were born, and when they came to the Kempenfeldt neighborhood to live, it was a noted sight to see the little half-breed children playing on the mud floor of their shanty with the leather-bound volumes of Plutarch or others, and the gold coins of their father.
Just before the birth of another child, McDonald began to realize the need for a legal marriage, and, as their was a priest in the country by this time, at Penetanguishene, perhaps temporarily, they became regularly married, the priest having been called to their home for the purpose. After this belated ceremony, one child was born, (Catherine), who was the last one born; and, as McDonald died without leaving a will a year or two after her birth, she became the sole heiress of all his property.
According to the gravestone in the old Church of England cemetery at Newmarket, his wife died Jan. 15th, 1828, and he died a month later, Feb. 17th, 1828. On account of the fact that McDonald had befriended Sir John Franklin in 1825 on his overland trip, and perhaps also in 1822 and earlier, Lady Franklin sent out this gravestone in after years from England, to mark their resting places.
The nature of McDonald's estate which he left was, for the most part, like this. The Hon. Wm. McGillivray, for the North-West Company, had applied as far back as the year 1811 for a grant of 6,000 acres of land along the then newly-surveyed road from Kempenfeldt to Penetanguishene. There was much delay, as usual, on the part of the Government officials in granting this request. But in 1829, by an Order-in-Council, the land was appropriated to the Hon. Wm. McGillivray, who had assigned his claim to John McDonald, now deceased. In this way, Catherine McDonald, the only legitimate child and heiress-at-law of her deceased father, inherited the property. She was then about three years of age, without father or mother, yet her relatives gave her a good education in Glengarry County, whither they had returned from Simcoe County. When she grew up she became the wife of Angus Grant, and they returned to this county to reside at Wyebridge, where he kept a store for some years.
The first English-speaking traveller to pass this way after Canada became part of the British possessions was Alexander Henry, who, as a captive among the Indians of the Sault Ste. Marie, accompanied them in 1764 to Niagara. In the narrative of his adventures, which has become a classic work in Canadian history, he mentions their passage through Lake Simcoe (then called Lake La Clie). A Canadian edition of this book appeared in 1901, under the editorship of the late Dr. James Bain, Librarian of the Toronto Public Library.
Governor Simcoe made a passage through Lake Simcoe in 1793 on his famous journey from Humber Bay to Penetanguishene, and return. In Macdonnell's Diary of that trip, mentioned in an earlier part of this chapter, there are several particulars of interest, especially the details of his visits and meetings with some of the numerous bands of Indians on Lake Simcoe in that day.
Of the early travellers, not connected with military affairs, there was John Goldie, who visited Holland Landing in 1819 as a travelling botanist. The manuscript of his Diary was in the possession of his son-in-law, Principal Caven, of Knox College, Toronto, and his grandson, Dr. James Caven, published it in 1897. The object of the tour made by Mr. Goldie is briefly set forth in the opening words of his Diary:
After travelling from Montreal to York (Toronto), along the lake shore road, he made a digression at the latter place, on June 26th, 1819, to Holland Landing, which he reached on the 27th. His arrival is thus recorded in his Diary:
His entry for July 3rd, is interesting, as it furnishes us with information regarding the troops stationed at Drummond Island:
On July 4th he made the following remarks, which will be of considerable interest to readers in this district:
Few distinguished visitors to this section of Ontario left so deep an impression upon the settlers, as Sir John Franklin did, when, in April, 1825, he passed through on his second overland expedition to the Arctic Sea. Recollections of this event, which was rendered still more notable by the subsequent fate of the Arctic hero, remained with the early settlers down even to recent years. And on this account, the following brief description of his visit, gathered partly from the pioneers, who resided in the neighborhood at the time, and partly from Franklin's published travels (now rare), may not be without interest to the present inhabitants:-
In 1824, he received instructions from the British Government to find a northern passage by sea between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. He immediately sent out orders to Canada for two large canoes, with necessary equipment and stores, to be deposited at Penetanguishene the naval depot of Lake Huron, in the autumn of that year, to await his arrival in the following spring. Acting in accordance with the instructions he had received, he embarked at Liverpool, 16th Feb., 1825, with Lieut. Back, Dr. Richardson, Mr. Kendall, Mr. Drummond and four marines, and in due course of time the party landed at New York CIty. From that point they at once set out on their journey to Upper Canada, traversing the State of New York on the way. The rest of their journey hither is recorded by Franklin himself in the following words:-
We crossed Lake Simcoe in canoes and boats, and landed near the upper part of Kempenfeldt Bay, but not without being obliged to break our way through the ice for a short distance. A journey of nine miles, performed on foot, brought us to the River Nottawasaga, which we descended in a boat; and, passing through a part of Lake Huron, arrived at Penetanguishene. At this place we were hospitably entertained by Lieutenant (now Captain), Douglas, during eight days that we waited for the arrival of our Canadian voyageurs from Montreal."
From the Head of Kempenfeldt Bay, which Franklin mentions, they proceeded across the "Nine Mile Portage," to Willow Creek, which was then an important highway. In making this portage, they were assisted by David Soules, with his ox-team, from Big Bay Point, where, for a long time, he was the central figure. Franklin had, at this point of the journey, some French-Canadian voyageurs with him, and these were reinforced at Penetanguishene by others from Montreal, as he relates.
Franklin and his party reached Great Bear Lake in the autumn, and spent two years in exploring the Arctic coast line of Canada; his travels on this occasion, having been described in his "Narrative of a Second Expedition to the Shore of the Polar Sea, in the years 1825-6-7." He returned from the Arctic region by way of the Ottawa River, which he descended in a canoe paddeled by fourteen voyageurs. The party reached Ottawa City- then a village called Bytown- on the 15th of August, 1827. While at Ottawa, he fell in with Capt. Basil Hall, the distinguished traveller, who has preserved in his rare volume of etchings, portraits of three Canadian voyageurs of Franklin's party- Francois Forcier, Enfant Lavallee and Malouin, the latter of whom was with Franklin during the whole of his journey, as steersman.
One of Franklin's Canadian colleagues and helpers about this time was John McDonald, chief factor of the North-West Company, who was mentioned on a former page, and who died in February, 1828. Over the grave of this man and his wife, in the Church of England cemetery, at Newmarket, is a headstone sent out from England by Lady Franklin, in memory of the man who had given so many services during these overland journeys. After Franklin's last voyage, in 1845-6, from which neither he nor his crew ever returned, some residents of this county took part in the searching expeditions sent out to find him, receiving adequate land grants for their services.
THE OLD MILITARY ROUTE AND WAR OF 1812 Mackinaw, and an Important Pass Thither
So frequently does the name of Michilimackinac occur in this country's history in connection with the important early route thither by way of Lake Simcoe, that they are entitled to separate mention. Although, in 1761, the British where the first to build a regular fort at Michilimackinac, the French had maintained a palisaded post there from 1687, when Denonville, the Viceroy of Canada, completed his comprehensive arrangements for the defence of the country. And even from the time of its discovery, in 1610, the place had been the chief resort in the west for the early French bush-rangers (coureurs des bois) and traders who roved about in that immense wilderness amongst the Indians. There were three routes thither, which were, in the order of their importance as well as position, as follows: By the Ottawa River; by Toronto and Lake Simcoe; and by Detroit. As early as 1686, Denonville writes that he had given orders to fortify the two western passages leading to Mackinaw. "Sieur du Lhu," (Duluth), he says, "is at that of the Detroit of Lake Erie, and Sieur de la Durantaye at that of the portage of Toronto. These two posts will block the passage against the English, if they undertake to go again to Michilimaquina." From that time onward the pass to Michilimackinac, by Lake Simcoe, figures more or less extensively in Canadian history, and especially prominent does it become after the establishment of Fort Rouille on the site of the present Toronto, 1749. The important part which this famous pass afterwards played in the war of 1812-15 must be sketched at some length.
On July 17th, of the opening year of he war, Michilimackinac was captured from the Americans, who fully realized their loss, and towards the end of 1813, their generals began to make preparations for its recapture. News of this design reaching the small British garrison at the place, there was great alarm, and a despatch was sent immediately to the Canadian military headquarters at Kingston, appealing for aid to ward off the coming attack.
A relief expedition accordingly left Kingston in February, 1814, consisting of ten officers and two hundred picked men, with twenty artillerymen, and twenty men of the Royal Navy, all under the command of Lieut.-Col. Robert McDouall, of the Glengarry Light Infantry. A large part of the route lay through territory then but little known. To this must be added another hardship--the severity of the weather in which the march was made. From Kingston they proceeded to "Little" York, which was still suffering from the grim experiences of its capture. They next advanced northward by Yonge Street to Holland Landing, after which they passed entirely out of the settlements, and crossed the frozen surface of Lake Simcoe. Beyond this lake the forest was then unbroken, except by an Indian portage, which for the passage of their supplies, they widened as they advanced. This road, leading from the head of Kempenfeldt Bay to Willow Creek, a branch of the Nottawasaga River, was called the "Nine Mile Portage," and afterwards became an important colinization road. At its northwesterly end, near Willow Creek, a wooden fort was subsequently erected, and a hamlet flourished there for several years, but it has long since disappeared, and its site is marked by only a few hillocks of earth and stones.
Proceeding on their course, the party halted on the banks of the Nottawasaga River, fully thirty miles from its outlet, and erected for themselves a number of temporary wooden huts. Here they cut down pine timber, hewed and prepared it on the spot, and constructed twenty-nine large batteaux, in which they completed the journey to Michilimackinac. On the Nottawasaga, a short way below where it is joined by Marl Creek, between Minesing and Edenvale, is the place where the expedition halted. It is known as the "Glengarry Landing," and was a familiar landmark for a long time, on account of the clearing they had made; but the trees of second growth which cover it are now so tall as to make it almost indistinguishable from the surrounding forest. From the journal of Captain Bulger, who accompanied the expedition, one gets an interesting glimpse of their departure from this place, and passage across Georgian Bay:-
Taking into consideration the time of the year, the comparitive severity of the season, and the distance to be travelled, one may safely say that an expedition, more hazardous than this, is seldom undertaken. It was almost a continual struggle for nineteen days with the waves of the Georgian Bay, and the floating masses of ice. The commander of the expedition wrote in high terms of the abilities and perseverance of the officers, as well as the endurance of the men.
It was not until the 28th of July that Captain Sinclair, the American commander, made an attack upon Michilimackinac-- an attack, however, which resulted in failure. Had not the relief expedition arrived, as it did, some weeks before, the result would doubtless have been very different. But the meditated recapture had been forstalled, and thus was saved the chief post on the upper lakes.
The North-West Company had a vessel on Georgian Bay called the Nancy, which was employed in the fur trade, then so extensive in the district. Having learned that Lieut. Miller Worsley, of the British Navy, with the Nancy, was at the mouth of the Nottawasaga River, Sinclair next turned his attention in this direction. But here also he was doomed to meet with disappointment. Lieut. Worsley had been informed, by a messenger, of the blockade at Mackinaw, and in anticipation of an attack on his own position, began to erect a block-house, about two miles up the river. In a few days the American captain and his vessels arrived at the Nottawasaga, and attacked the small party of British at the place. The brief account of the engagement, by James, in his Naval History of Great Britain, will suffice to show what took place:-
A few days later these two vessels were captured by the British, and all the men on board taken prisoners to Kingston.
Old soldiers used to tell how Lieut. Worsley and his men, in the retreat up the river, were pursued by several boatloads of the enemy. They went on until they came to a bend in the river where it was unusally narrow. On the east side the bank arose high above the water, while on the west side it was low and swampy. Here the retreating party felled trees into the river to obstruct their pursuers. These came up about dusk, having been detained by scouts, who fired a few shots upon them according to design, at long distances and from safe hiding-places. No sooner had they reached the fallen trees than they became entangled in the branches. The muskets of the small British party in ambush on the shore gave them volley after volley, and compelled them to make a hasty retreat down the river with their killed and wounded.
After the close of war, in 1816, the British officers, recognizing the strategic position of the place, gave orders for the erection of a fort. The site chosen was a more sheltered spot, and two miles higher up the river than the place where the Nancy was blown up. A garrison occupied it for two years, and where then removed to Penetanguishene.
Aug. Porter relates that in 1803 a small sloop, called the Niagara, of 30 tons, was built a Cayuga Creek, on the Niagara River by the U.S. Government, but not put in commission. Porter, Barton & Co. purchased her in 1806, and changed her name to the Nancy, and she was sailed by Capt. Richard O'Meil. It is not improbable that this was the same Nancy owned by the North-West Company in 1814.
It is stated, however, in a paper by Lieut.-Col. E. Cruikshank on this episode of the war, (the manuscript of which was presented to the Ontario Historical Society, and the article itself printed in the Collingwood Bulletin of Nov. 19th and 26th, 1908), that the Nancy was built in 1789 by other merchants. This may be correct, although the identity of the vessel is not clearly established, owing to several changes of ownership.
In view of the extensive forests hereabout, filled with good timber, which might easily have been kiln-dried in a short time or otherwise seasoned, it is a little amusing that the Lords of the Admiralty gave orders to prepare (in England) the frames of "two sloops" to be shipped to Montreal with materials for rigging and equipping them to sail on Georgian Bay. Their Lordships had previously refused to prepare the frames of "a frigate and two brigs," as they were not aware that it would be practicable to transport from Montreal to Matchedash Bay such large timbers. (Can. Archives, 1896, Lower Canada State Papers, p. 46).
David Soules, of Big Bay Point, assisted in building a number of batteaux for Drummond Island, on the Nottawasaga River-- perhaps on the very occasion mentioned above, when the relief expedition halted on the banks of the river for that purpose. When the two American frigates, or armed schooners, came to blockade the Nottawasaga, an Indian runner was dispatched to Penetanguishene, where a naval depot had just been located, to announce the arrival of the American boats. Their subsequent capture was chiefly made by a band of French Canadians in small boats. These stealthily boarded the frigates, and found on one of them the Amercians asleep, whereupon they took them prisoners--sixty men in all, thirty from each frigate--handcuffed them, and led them to Kingston. Soules used to describe these captives, whom he helped to lead away, as a "band of cutthroats."
It was soon after this time that Fort Nottawasaga, four miles from the mouth of the river, was projected and built. It was established to form a supply depot for Michilimackinac, and prevent the Americans from cutting off communications with headquarters.
The establishment of these Georgian Bay posts, as well as that on Willow Creek at the terminus of the "Nine Mile Portage," are mentioned in the diary of Sir George Head, who was sent hither in that connection. Under date of April 14th, 1815, at which time he was living temporarily in a cabin on the north shore of Kempenfeldt Bay, he writes in his Forest Scenes.
Although Head does not say as much here, this tour of inspection is likely to have been the one which resulted in the establishment of the Willow Fort.
At the close of the war, as already stated, the military authorities of Canada decided upon establishing a fort near the mouth of the Nottawasaga River. This was accordingly done in June, 1816, or perhaps a few months earlier. The fort was built about four miles up stream, near the end of the well-known tongue of land; so that, although difficult to reach, it was near enough the shore to spy the approach of danger on the lake, or command the position in case of a naval attack. Judging from the artificial mound which remains at the place to this day, the fort stood upon an elevated position in order that danger could be seen at a great distance.
About a dozen sailors in command of a naval officer, and some twenty men of the regular marine service, under Lieutenant Caldwell, comprised the garrison of that post. Of cilvilians there were a few, conspicuous amongst whom was a widow Vallieres, originally from the old French settlement at the Oak Ridges on Yonge Street. During the war of 1812 she kept a hostelry at Hogg's Hollow, near Toronto. A son of hers, James Remi Vallieires, gained admission to the Bar of Lower Canada, in 1812, practiced his profession with success for many years in the ancient city of Quebec, became a member of the Legislative Assembly, Speaker of the Lower Canadian Parliament in 1828, and was finally appointed Chief Justice of Montreal in 1842, dying in 1847, universally respected for his amiable and benevolent career. (See Morgan's Sketches of Celebrated Canadians). Widow Vallieres, his mother, married again to Asher Mundy, and when Fort Nottawasaga was established, they removed thither from Yonge Street, and kept a litle store or "canteen," for the sale of baker's goods and whiskey, their chief patrons being the occupants of the fort.
Amongst the historical mementos of the war time at the Nottawasaga are the remains of the sunken vessel in the river between the fort and the outlet. It is a current tradition of the place that the marks of the cannon balls amongst the tops of the trees could be seen for many years afterwards. Some people living in the neighborhood have found cannon balls amongst the sand-hills near the site of the fort. Owing to the bad harbour the post at Nottawasaga was not kept up for more than about two years, and in 1818 the garrison was permanently removed to Penetanguishene.
SURVEYING THE LAND AND PREPARING FOR SETTLERS
After the cession of the south part of the county by the Indians, Oct. 17th, 1818, the Government lost no time in staking it out into townships for settlement. In those days there were some wise rules in use for governing the survey of a township into lots with roads at regular intervals. If the township was beside a navigable river or body of water, the concession lines (being more numerous than the "side roads"), ran to the front bordering upon the water. Hence arose so much variety in the directions taken by the concession lines throughout our county, lying, as it does, beside various lakes and bays.
A number of surveyors took part in the surveys of the townships in the county, more than half of whom lived in the older settlements down Yonge Street. For the survey of a township, each received in part payment, or, perhaps, sometimes in full payment, a number of farm lots in the township, and thus, as the surveyor had the best chance to see the quality of the land and make a selection, it so happened that surveyor's script was the best kind of purchase to make, for any imcoming settler who had to buy.
Samuel S. Wilmot received instructions, August, 1811, to survey a road of communication between Kempenfeldt Bay and Penetanguishene harbour, and lay off lots for settlement along the road. His instructions were to proceed to the north side of Kempenfeldt Bay, near to the place at the head of the bay where, in June, 1808, his examination of a line for a road commenced, and there select and choose the most suitable position for a town and harbour. He was then to survey the outline of a town plot of one mile and length by half a mile and breadth; then, a road direct to the south side of Penetanguishene harbour, and within half a mile of that harbour he was to begin to survey the outlines of another town plot. Wilmot's first exploration, mentioned above, had been in March, 1808, in connection with the boundaries of the tract agreed to be purchased in the late preliminary treaty with the Chippewa (Ojibways) Indians. In accordance with the instructions he now received, he surveyed the outlines of the first town plot on Kempenfeldt Bay, as directed, and allowed half a mile for its depth. This subsequently became a village, and after it began to receive inhabitants, was known as Kempenfeldt, but at no time did it develop much beyond the hamlet stage. He then surveyed the road, thirty miles in length (except a small fraction), and finally the outlines of the original town plot of Penetanguishene.
A sketch of Col. S. Wilmot, the surveyor of the Penetanguishene Road in 1811, appeared in William Harrison's "Sketches of Richmond Hill and Vicinity," published in the "Richmond Hill Liberal" in 1888. At the time of the survey under review, he lived on lot. No. 47, Yonge Street, (near Thornhill), and afterwards resided near Newcastle, Ont. Rev. Thomas Williams (Memories of a pioneer, in the concluding "Memory", states that Birdsall made a survey of the Penetanguishene Road in 1813 or 1814.
In Wilmot's survey during the later summer of 1811, as above described, he merely reported on the suitability of town plots at Kempenfeldt Bay and Penetanguishene Harbour, and marked their outlines. Accordingly, on Jan. 28th, 1812, he received instructions to lay out a town plot on Kempenfeldt Bay (i.e. at Kempenfeldt), at the place which he had reported as suitable for that purpose, and on the following day he also received instructions to lay out the Penetanguishene town plot. In this way the line of communication between the two lakes and its two terminals came into existence.
In Wilmot's survey of the lots along the Penetanguishene Road in 1811, every farm lot was made to contain 200 acres, with a frontage of 80 rods on the road, and a depth of 400, according to the mode of survey in vogue at that time. But by the time the Indian cessions set free all the land in the county, in 1818, for settlement, a new fashion had come in. A township was then laid out into lots, each having a frontage of 120 rods on the concession line. The result of this change in fashion was that the six townships along the Penetanguishene Road each have the two kinds of surveys within their borders, from which much perplexity arises.
The later class of survey just mentioned, having frontages of 120 rods, needed a depth of 266 2/3 rods to make a lot of 200 acres. In connection with this dimension a singular popular delusion prevails. If you ask any settler how many rods frontage his land has, he will tell you correctly, 120. But if you ask him what is the distance between one concession line and another, he will tell you seven-eighths of a mile. The actual depth of 266 2/3 rods, by vulgar fractions, is five-sixths of a mile, and yet the odd selection of one fraction for another has become almost universal.
This is the mode of survey throughout nearly the whole of the county. Yet, still another system came into use in the latest surveys, viz., those of Sunnidale and Nottawasaga, in 1832 and 1833, where a sideroad was placed at every third lot, and the alternate concession lines, called "blind lines," have been usually left unopened.
It may be interesting to scan the list of those who obtained the patents on surveyor's script, apparently for the surveys of the different townships, and the number of acres received:-
The table shows how small was the market value of land at the time of the surveys, the best lands in the townships having been, of course selected.
George and Samuel Lount surveyed the Township of West Gwillimbury in the summer of 1819. The nominal contractor for the survey was their father, Gabriel Lount, but the actual work devolved upon the sons, especially George, who had the qualifications of a surveyor, but in whose name contracts were not made until he came of age. His older brother, Samuel, on account of his skill in the woods, was a useful helper in the work.
The instructions to Gabriel Lount, June 15th, 1819, for the survey of the Township of Tecumseth were elaborate. This was described as a township in the rear of the Townships of King and Albion. He was instructed to measure the distance of nine miles from Yonge Street along the northern boundary of King, to determine the S.E. angle of the township he was to survey. Minute details then follow as to the staking out of the roads and lots. Some uncompleted portions of the township were attended to by George Lount in 1832, who had, with his brother, Samuel, as in the case of West Gwillimbury, made the original survey for their father in 1819.
For the survey of Innisfil, the Governor-in-Council, on Oct. 23rd, 1819, approved of the proposals of James Pearson, yeoman of Whitchurch. Mr. Pearson was a son-in-law of Gabriel Lount, and thus became the nominal contractor for the work for the Lount brothers. The township was surveyed between the first of February and March 15th, 1820, and Richard Birdsall's map of it, in the Department of Lands, at Toronto, is dated, Newmarket, March 24th, 1820. Mr. Pearson, the contractor, received in part payment the patents for nineteen lots (3,800 acres), on May 2nd, 1820.
A circumstance, which is worthy of note, occured in connection with the survey of Innisfil, according to the narrative of an early settler. The surveyor, named Richard Birdsall, who then lived in "Little" York, (Toronto), was an Englishman by birth, as well as by training in his profession; and, if he was thorough, he was also slow in his methods. He and the Lount brothers came to an understanding and went into partnership in the contract, he to receive half of the pay if he did the "compassing," and they to chain and receive the other half, by which arrangement they would divide the pay into two equal parts. Their camp was at the Essa line, and the Lounts expected to survey across one concession line to Lake Simcoe in a day, and return next day along the next concession line to their camp, thus being out two days at a time. When the work began, Birdsall demanded that all trees and other obstructions should be cut out of the line of sight for his compass, and he would make no offsets either to the right or the left. Being of the old school everything had to come out of his way. This used up three or four days on every trip, and instead of being out two days, they spent double that number. The Lounts soon objected to this, as they would lose money by their contract. In the altercation which followed, Mr. Birdsall told the spokesman that if he was not satisfied he had better do it himself. So George Lount took the compass, and after this Mr. Birdsall merely tallied for the chainers, and made the field notes. In this way they carried out the survey so as to lose nothing by the contract. The field notes in the Department of Lands are by Mr. Birdsall. When "proving" the survey of this township, Mr. Lount proceeded along the line between lots 25 and 26 across the township from the south side to near Big Bay Point, , reckoned the position of the last stake, and probing with his staff in the snow said it ought to be there. Sure enough, he struck the stake at the first trial, showing the accuracy of the survey.
James G. Chewett, the surveyor of Oro, Medonte, Tay, Orillia and part of Vespra, in 1820, was the man who made the first survey for the Welland Canal in 1818, although his canal route was afterwards deemed impracticable, and was superseded by another.
Samuel Richardson, who surveyed Matchedash in 1830, was a native of Wales, and resided in Penetanguishene for some years. He surveyed part of the Penetanguishene town plot in 1829-30, the Orilla town plot in 1839, part of Eldon Township in 1841, and other lands at various times. On the breaking up of the Establishment at Penetanguishene, he moved to lot 5, a mile north of Kempenfeldt, on the Oro side, and soon afterwards died there, (Mar. 2nd, 1843), at the age of 47 years. He was Treasurer of Simcoe County at the time of his death.
It is worthy of note that the town line of Flos and Tiny, also that between Tay and Medonte, were surveyed by an officer of the Royal Engineers when this part of the county was blocked out into townships. (District Council Minutes, 1848, p. 94).
John Goessman, the surveyor of Flos and Tiny, was a native of Hanover, and had gone through many hardships in the wars of Napoleon Bonaparte. At a later time (1835), he did some work to complete the survey of Vespra; so also did Robert Ross, who was a resident surveyor in Barrie during the early days. In one of these later surveys of Vespra, it is said the surveying party were too much inclined to hang around some low groggeries on the Penetanguishene Road, and did their work badly. At all events, the survey of the township was not good. Some of the half-lots have twenty or thirty acres more than their due, while others are short. In some of these cases the Government, at a later period, had to give the short ones script for land in other places to make up the deficiencies.
It appears the original survey between part of the third and fourth concessions of Vespra had never been made, or, if so, it became so obliterated by 1872 that the landholders were subject to great inconvenience. In order to have it made right, several of them applied to the County Council, which sent a memorial to the Lieut.-Governor-in-Council to have it done, recommending Henry Creswicke, P.L.S., to make and complete the survey. There is a considerable "jog" at lot 9 on the fifth line, which appears to have arisen out of the same complication in the original survey.
At one time there was also projected, and partly made, a second survey of Flos by Henry Creswicke, to correct its inaccuracies, just as in the case of Vespra and Sunnidale. But this re-survey was stopped at the instance of Dr. J.C. Tache, the Deputy-Minister of Agriculture, (whose term of office lasted from 1864 till 1888), as he foresaw a heap of difficulties arising out of any attempt to change the lines of the original survey.
In the original survey of Sunnidale by Thomas Kelly (1832 and 1833), the portion lying between the Sunnidale Road and the eastern boundary of the township, in the first eight concessions, was either not surveyed or the survey was obliterated. Rev. Thomas Williams, in his "Memories," says Robert Ross also made a survey of Sunnidale in the early days. About the year 1861, a surveyor, William Sanders, also made a private survey of part of the eastern section for some of the inhabitants. But is seemed desirable that there should be an official survey of it; accordingly, the Township Council, in 1868, urged the Government to make a survey of this whole easterly part, and the Commissioner of Crown Lands accordingly appointed Henry Creswicke, jun., to make this survey. The gore shape of Sunnidale, the intrusive survey of lots facing the Sunnidale Road passing northward through the township diagonally across the ranges of lots which ran east and west, and the presence of different surveyors at the staking out of this part of the township, all inevitably led to what might be expected, viz., woeful confusion. At a public meeting in New Lowell, Oct. 27th, 1881, sixty owners of land, all interested in the tract in question, attended. Their differences were afterwards satisfactorily settled, so that each settler might receive the land he had cleared, and an Act of the Ontario Legislature was passed in 1887 to confirm Creswicke's survey and allotment of the lands in dispute. The survey of Ripon town plot on lots 22 and 23, concession 1, was also done away with by this act.
Nowadays, the surveyors can define their lines with permanent stone or iron stakes. In the early days, the perishable wooden stakes they planted rotted off or where burnt off, in so many cases, that subsequent surveyors often had to travel for miles to find one. In other cases, especially where there was swampy land, it is too true that in some instances no survey was made by the original surveyor.
Thomas Kelly made a survey of the Township of Nottawasaga in 1832, and completed a map of it, Feb. 27th, 1833, as far north as lot 22 (inclusive) in the first eleven concessions, the last, or twelfth, concession being omitted. There has been a tradition among the older settlers of the township itself, how that a whiskey bottle bore a conspicuous part in the survey on this occasion, so that, if not the surveyor himself, at least some of the axemen or helpers were to much addicted to the flowing bowl to make a good job of staking out the lots. The map he left for posterity to ponder looks all right, yet we are reminded to be causious about what we see on paper. Be the circumstances what they may, Charles Rankin, under instructions from the Surveyor-General, dated March 23rd, 1833, re-surveyed parts and completed the survey of it, more especially the northern end and the western parts, in the ensuing summer.
Mr. Rankin's instructions included also a re-survey of Sunnidale. He was furnished from the Surveyor-General's office with copies of those portions of Sunnidale and Merlin already surveyed by Mr. Kelly. And his Excellency's pleasure was also stated to be that Merlin and Java should in future be called and considered as one township to be named Nottawasaga (Java having been the north part, and Merlin the south part).
Accordingly, at Penetanguishene, May 21st, 1833, Chas. Rankin, for the survey of Nottawasaga engaged (as his Diary relates) Ezekiel Solomon, Cuthbert Amiotte, Thomas LeDuc and Martin Ploof as axemen at two shillings and sixpence per day. Mr. Commissary Wickens supplied the party with a small quantity of flour and pork for the journey, and they set out by boat for their destination on the opposite shore of Nottawasaga Bay. Mr. Rankin completed the survey of the township by Aug. 15th of that year.
In the practical results of the surveyor's work, generally, this county, like others, shows some wild surveying, and a large volume would not contain all the records of agitations and fierce lawsuits arising out of blunders in the surveys. There is not a township in it but has an abundance of "jogs" and irregularities of various kinds. Notwithstanding the good intentions of the Government and surveyors themselves, some owners of hundred acre lots actually have only ninety acres, while others have a hundred and ten. The Act of the Ontario Legislature, in 1874, for the limitations of actions by which any disputed line fence which had stood unmoved for ten years became a legal boundary, put an end to a large amount of profitless litigation.
It is easy now for us to find faults and see crooked lines, but it was difficult in the woods to run perfectly straight lines and measure distances accurately. In all the townships there were "jogs" in the middle of the concessions, causing obstructions and deviations on the side roads, or "cross roads," as they are called in some localities. These were a grievance, and tbe District Council in Oct., 1848, petitioned the Governor-in-Council to remove them. Following this agitation, William Gibbard, the surveyor, was engaged in a portion of 1851-2, in running middle lines (in the Township of Innisfil at least, and probably in some other townships). This Mr. Gibbard was brutally murdered on board of the steamer "Ploughboy," while on her downward trip from Sault Ste. Marie to Collingwood in August, 1863, and the County Council offered a reward of $200 for the apprehension of the muderer.
These sketches of the early surveys would be incomplete without some reference to the numerous town plots which were laid out and named, but which failed to receive any inhabitants. A few of these may be mentioned:-
Plans of all these town plots were prepared and registered at the times mentioned, but only in two or three instances did any actual settlers take up their abode in these paper towns.
As most of the published maps of the county were first prepared by the early surveyors, this will be a convenient place for referring to some of them.
The Canada Company issued an atlas of township diagrams of Upper Canada (including a number in our county) in two volumes, on a scale of about a mile and half to an inch. No date is attached to this atlas, but it is understood to be about 1836. These township maps did not contain many details, but have a value as showing the Company's lots in each township, with a goodly number of rivers and streams traced from the maps of the original surveys.
A map of the Home and Simcoe Districts, on one sheet, by Chas. Rankin, Esq., the surveyor, is dated March 1st, 1841, and has a number of interesting features.
A map of the county, on a scale of two miles and a half to an inch, by Wm. Gibbard, P.L.S., 1853, shows the towns and villages, mills, travelled roads, and other features, as they existed in that time, and has a special value for anyone interested in the history of the county for the sake of comparisons with our more modern topography.
John Hogg's large map of the county, 1871, giving all the names of the owners of lands at that time, was an expensive undertaking, from which the publisher never realized its cost.
The map compiled and published by John Dickinson, C.E., 1878, on a scale of two miles to an inch, following the extensive railway development of the seventies, showed the new railways then constructed.
The latest is that of the Times Publishing Company, Orillia, and it supplies many modern features not to be found in the older ones. Two or three editions of it have already appeared.
THE SUBJECT OF LAND GRANTS
At this point a review of the general subject of early land grants may be profitable; for it will be usefull to compare the former land policies with those of the present day, and from the comparison to get hints for the solution of modern land problems, or to learn the accompanying dangers and how to avoid them. It will also be instructive and interesting to follow the history of the first settlements in the light of the land regulations, and to note the marked effects which their frequent changes produced individually upon the settlers, as well as in the aggregate upon the face of the country. Indeed there is no subject in the wide field of local history of more vital importance than this question of how the land was granted, as it forms the key to the foundation of every settlement, whether made on free grants lands, or purchased tracts, or on claims that could only be established by the performance of settlement duties.
While large grants of land to colonization companies and others have been a feature of the settlement of some counties in this Province, it cannot be said that there were any grants in Simcoe County so large as to affect the whole population at any period of its history. The largest where perhaps the following:-those of the Canada Company, which, however, made no systematic settlement in this county as it did in Huron County, its lands being situated here and there throughout the Simcoe townships; the Clergy Reserves, also scattered about the county; the grant of 6,000 acres along the Penetanguishene Road from Kempenfeldt, northward, to the Hon. Wm. McGillivray, who died in 1825, (sometimes known in later years as the McDonald grant, as it passed into the hands of John McDonald's daughter). Besides these, Mr. Quetton St. George received a considerable grant (for settlement purposes) in Orillia Township. The Townships of Sunnidale and Nottawasaga, having been surveyed some twelve years later than the other parts of the county, had not so many encumbrances of Clergy Reserves or Canada Company lands, (i.e., Crown Reserves,) as the older townships.
The revenues from the sales of Crown Lands, whenever there where any after paying the officials their fees, went to Downing Street in the first years of the Province's history. This continued down to the Union of the Canadas in 1841, or about that time, the control exercised by the Provincial Government and the Assembly, until that time, having been little more than a nominal one.
The large majority of those who received free grants in the early years of the Province's history consisted if U.E. Loyalists and their descendants, the militia who served during the war of 1812, and the retired officers of the British Army. Almost all others who became settlers procured their lands by purchase.
From 1783, onward, the Government followed the practice of granting lands to the U.E. Loyalists and their children. These persons continued to receive grants of land, free from any expense, and with very little interruption or impediment until 1818, when the Provincial Government imposed a restriction providing that "no grant of land would issue in future to persons of any description until a satisfactory certificate be filed that a habitable house is erected on some part of the land to be granted, and a sufficient clearing thereon under fence in the proportion of five acres per 100." This settlement regulation seems to have materially changed the facilities for location afforded the loyalists, but not being uniformly enforced, it became a grievance--one of the chief grounds of complaint before the Rebellion--as will afterward appear.
In addition to these gratuitous grants to loyalists and their descendants, provision was made in 1820 for the location also of the militia of 1812 upon lands belonging to the Crown. Upon presenting a certificate of service from the adjutant-general, each claimant of this class became entitled to receive a ticket of location--a system introduced in the previous year in connection with grants to loyalists. In all cases the settlement duty was insisted upon.
Several townships in this county, in which locations had been made up to 29th January, 1821, appear in the lists printed in the Report on Canadian Archives for 1896 (p. 16), and the figures therein given are instructive:-
Although there were thus more than six hundred location tickets granted within the first year after the survey of these townships, there were not one-tenth of that number of actual settlers in the county, land-grabbing having been a common practice then as later.
Another change took place in 1825 in the regulations in conformity with a system then adopted in all the other British colonies. This consisted in making a valuation of the lands throughout the Province, and causing average prices to be struck for each district, at which price thus fixed all the vacant lands were offered for sale. What these prices were may be learned from the Report on Canadian Archives for 1898 (p. 33), which affords information as to the value of the ungranted lands of the Crown in each district, according to the Minutes of the Executive Council at York (Toronto), 9th June, 1826, From the Schedule therein exhibited, the valuations for the different townships in this county, at the time appear to be-
Further orders affecting land grants were issued by the British Government in 1831, in addition to those issued in 1825 respecting conformity to the British colonial system, and a table was formulated whereby grants to British officers on the half-pay of the army or navy were regulated. The despatch to this effect from the Colonial Secretary, Lord Goderich, had a local application to the half-pay officers along the Oro shore, and elsewhere in the county.
A General Order of August 1st, 1831, laid down the following graduated scale, according to which each officer purchasing land in the usual way became entitled to a remission of the purchase money to the extent here specified:
Regulations, similar to these, by which officers of the Royal Navy (Commanders, Lieutenants, and Subalterns, respectively), could secure land grants in Upper Canada, were also issued in March, 1832.
The report was accompanied by an Address on the subject of U.E. Rights to King Willian IV., who was then reigning. The British House of Commons took action about two years afterward, by merely calling for some information. Meanwhile in Upper Canada, the Executive and Assembly came no nearer a settlement of the burning question, and the result was, in part at least, the uprising of '37, as everyone knows.
A word remains to be said on the subject of the machinery for locating the settlers and granting their lands. In 1789, even before the setting apart of Upper Canada, local land boards had been appointed for the purpose of accommodating persons desirous of forming settlements in the province. Under varying forms these land boards continued to exist for many years. In 1819, the regulations were such that emigrants desirous to become settlers in the province were under the necessity of presenting themselves at York (now Toronto), and great inconvenience was the result. For the remedy of this grievance, the Lieutenant-Governor in Council, in that year appointed in each of the districts (there were 12 in the province) certain persons to form local boards, with power to locate any settler in the respective district. At a subsequent date similar boards were instituted in the counties.
The rapidity of making grants fluctuated considerably; sometimes one section, sometimes another, was the favourite point for location. An examination of the patents granted in the province between April 1 and August 1, 1836, shows that during that particular period, of the total 1,536 grants, they largely predominated in Simcoe and Kent counties. While 384 of the 1,536 descriptions for patents issued during those four months were for Simcoe County, no less than 461 patents for the county passed the Great Seal of the Province in the same period. (The patents were issued by the Secretary and Registrar, while the descriptions for patents, of which there were fewer, were issued by the Surveyor-General). The large number of grants made at this particular period in Simcoe had a cause. Sir Francis Bond Head dissolved the Hose of Assembly, on May 28, 1836, and just before the elections in June, the Government issued patents to many persons to make new votes and influence the elections. In Medonte, for example, the Government issued 55 patents during the latter part of May and the month of June, 1836.
The settlers of Medonte, so many of whom received patents at this time, had gone into the township mostly during the large influx of 1832, and they now received their patents in exchange for political support. How like present day methods this looks! The election had its influence in the augmentation of the number of patents in the other earlier months of that year, as well as during the election itself. The patents were perhaps nothing more than the just rights to which the settlers were entitled, if they had duly performed their settlement duties (which is doubtful in every case), but to issue the patents in return for votes was wrong, and it raised a great outcry throughout the province at the time.
In those days there were no free grants to any but the U.E. Loyalist descendants, besides the soldiers and the marines. A large number of persons of both sexes, descended from U.E. Loyalists, received grants in Simcoe County, but in only a few cases did they ever settle on the lands. Speculators bought up their scrip and held the lands for a rise in value.
The U.E. Loyalists claimed, whether always truly or not, the loss of much property during the American Revolution of 1776. In the War of 1812-15, their claims to reward were perhaps stronger. The latter war between Great Britain and the United States arose out of a question with which Canada had little to do; and yet the Canadians, whose position made them the principal sufferers, are those who are mainly entitled to credit for repelling the different invasions to which their antagonist subjected them. It was thus largely thru U.E. Loyalists (although they were not the only defenders), that Canada held her own in the war, and they preserved by their devotion the lands of the grants for which their descendants afterward came into possession. But if the large number of allotments to their descendants in Simcoe County alone be any criterion for the rest of this province, they appear to have been amply repaid in lands, the face of the country having been laid under heavy tribute to their descendants.
In confining the free grants to the descendants of U.E. Loyalists, with retired soldiers and marines, the object of the makers of the regulation was to people the new country with a loyal stock. It was too often the practice of the Governors and their Executive Councils in those days to regard the inhabitants as disloyal if they complained about anything,--as under the influence of United States republicanism--and as unfit to be trusted with self-government or favours.
The Earl of Durham showed in his now famous Report how nearly half of all the surveyed land in this province had been granted as rewards, or in the attempt to make rewards, for public services; and of the land thus granted, perhaps less than a tenth had been occupied by actual settlers. In Simcoe County the state of affairs was not different from that of any other part of the province. An inspection of the list of patentees for the county shows that a large proportion of those who received land grants never became actual settlers, but sold them to others. The County in this way came to have its due quota of land sharks, and in the scramble for lands, the honest settler often got trampled. The Rev. Thomas Williams, in his "Memories" (No. 8), relates the story from the settler's point of view.
From the first organization of the Simcoe District Council in 1843 onward, the non-resident land speculators were attacked. They had bought large tracts of land, paid one or two instalments, and brought to bear all the influence at their command on the Governments of the day to save their lands from becoming liable to taxation. The actual settler had to open and improve the roads, build the school houses and churches, and otherwise enhance the value of the speculator's land, while the speculator himself was sleeping.
The District Council, as early as May 17, 1844, passed a By-law imposing a tax of one penny per acre on all wild lands owned by non-residents, including lands of the Canada Company. But from certain proceedings that took place in the House of Assembly at the time, the Council became doubtful whether they could legally enforce payment of the tax. As a result, they sought power to tax the wild lands, and for this purpose sent a petition to both Houses of the Legislature in the following February. Again, in February, 1847, they passed another by-law to the same effect, and a lengthy report giving an account of the wild land tax question appears in the published proceedings for that time, (at page 356), a perusal of which is well worth the time of any person who desires to know the history of the contest.
On account of wild land tax, the County Council received in 1850 from the Canada Company the sum of £ 970, 9s. The Clergy Reserve lands sold were not liable to taxes, and this state of affairs brought forth a "memorial" from the Council to the Government in June, 1851.
Where the wild land belonged to individuals or companies engaged in the lumber trade, they opposed settlement, as their lands would be taxed after settlers arrived.
For many years the wild land tax was a bone of contention in this county, each successive County Council having to wrestle with the difficulty, and the owners paying it reluctantly and only after much forcing. There was a regular system of speculating in Crown Lands. Many persons paid only one instalment, paid no taxes, and held the lands at high prices. This resulted in transferring almost every vacant lot in the county from the Crown to private individuals, thus driving away actual settlers. Accordingly, the problem had to be attacked from a new point of view, and an Order in Council, relating to Crown Land arrearages, was passed. (Crown Land Regulations, No. 16, January 13, 1859.)
The renewal of the attack upon the speculators brought forth renewed energy on their part to save their position. Thus, Thomas C. Street, of Welland County, for taxes on wild lands which he had paid in Kent County, recovered them again by a law suit, because the title was still vested in the Crown. He then proceeded to claim from Simcoe County the sum of $534.44, which he had paid on his wild lands here. This brought on a special session of the County Council in November, 1861, at which they decided to get the Hon. Jas Patton's opinion, and began to make preparations to fight. In the end Mr. Street brought an action for $1,600 against the County in the Court of Common Pleas, and obtained judgment for $490. The County Council appealed from this decision to the Court of Error and Appeal. Owing to the decision of Justice Draper in Street v Kent County, it was now threatened that some $30,000 or $40,000 would be demanded from Simcoe County respecting the sales of unpatented lands for taxes. Some four or five actions were already begun by May 9, 1862. Mr. Street, who had brought the action against this county for tax sales alleged to be illegal, was for some years about this time the member of Parliament for Welland, and used his influence to obstruct in the House all settlement of taxes on wild lands.
The amount of friction that arose in the early sixties from the sales of wild lands for taxes was enormous, and the ownership of many farms came into question about that time in this harrassing way. Much anxiety and unnecessary expense was caused to unoffending settlers from the tax sales of former years. By January 26, 1864, there were eight chancery suits in progress against the county arising out of tax sales.
When the Government in 1863 resumed and offered for sale unpatented and unimproved lands in the Township of Flos, the non-resident holders of which had not paid arrearages, but were holding them for purposes of speculation, the County Council expressed the hope that it would pursue the same policy toward all such lands in the county.
The modern system of free grants to every actual settler,--the happy system inaugurated by the Province of Ontario immediately after Confederation,--had in fact its beginning in Simcoe, which was the mother county of Muskoka where the system was first put into practice. And, accordingly, it would be unfair to omit an account of so important a measure.
As early as June, 1865, when a single representative at the County Council Board, viz., for Morrison and Muskoka, was the only mouthpiece for the territory from the Sevren River to the North Pole, a definite step was taken in this desirable direction. The Council sent a memorial to the Governor-in-Council asking that all Crown Lands at the disposal of the Crown, suitable for farming purposes, and not above the actual value of $4 an acre, should be offered either as free grants to actual settlers, or offered for sale at a nominal price, sufficient to cover the expenses of survey, accompanied by the most stringent regulations as to actual settlement. They began their memorial by stating that the matter in which the farming lands in this Province had been disposed of by the Crown, had been injurious to the best interests of the country, and had materially retarded its progess and settlement. They then urged the giving of free grants of land as the true policy which the Government should follow. Perhaps no county had suffered more than Simcoe from speculators holding the wild lands to the great injury of the farming interests. They also asked, in behalf of the new townships of Morrison and Muskoka, then just organized and represented for the first time by a Reeve in the Council, and in behalf of other such townships, that the settlers be relieved from the payment of arrears on their lands.
In November of the same year, the Council again urged the Governor-in-Council in a memorial to adopt the system of free grants in the future. This memorial was prepared at the instance of T.D. McConkey, M.P., who was urging on the Government the adoption of the free grant system.
The Act to secure free grants and homesteads to actual settlers on the Public Lands was finally passed, February 28, 1868, and became law. While it was passing through the Legislature, vis., in January, 1868, the Council again memorialized the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council to re-sell lands forfeited for non-payment of arrears, and to forfeit in less than nine or ten years lands in arrears.
In June, 1870, the County Council sent another memorial to the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council to cancel the arrearages on lands in Muskoka that had been located before the passing of the "Free Grants Act." The pioneers there had agreed to pay $1.00 an acre, and had made the roads and other improvements, which later arrivals were enjoying, besides having had to pay nothing for their lands. The grievance was one which deserved the immediate attention of tbe Government, and showed negligence or oversight on the part of the Legislature when it passed the Free Grants Act.
In January, 1872, the County Council memorialized the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council and the House of Assembly of Ontario to aid in the development of the Free Grants District. The memorial pointed out that the revenue of the Province had been lately augmented by timber dues levied within the district, to a large amount, one township alone having yielded nearly $100,000; that a fair and reasonable proportion of these revenues should be expended within it, in such public works as would promote agricultural settlement and general trade; and that the most successful way had been to subsidize railways in a district. The memorial had in view a subsidy for the Muskoka Extension Railway, which soon after this time came to be a realized fact.
The Free Grants system thus inaugurated and fairly launched in its course, and which had been so thoroughly nursed while the district was a part of Simcoe County, was a success in a general way. Yet it had a few drawbacks, which one might expect as inseparable from any system. For example, the squatters in the Free Grant lands of Muskoka were like the half-breed squatters of the Red River at an earlier day. They settled on the first vacant lot they found, remained till the last stick of timber was cut down, and then removed to another lot which they reduced to the same condition as the first. There are whole tracts in Muskoka where settlers are scarce from the adoption of this plan.
THE FIRST WHITE SETTLEMENTS, AND THE PEOPLE WHO MADE THEM
Almost the first settlers in the county were a band of fugitives from Lord Selkirk's Red River Settlement. In 1819 they took up farms a short distance southwest of Bradford, in what has always been known as the "Scotch Settlement." There were the familes of Sutherland, McKay, Matthewson, McBeth, Ross and Campbell. Three others, natives of Ireland, settled near the Holland River the same year, viz., the families of Wallace, Algeo and Armstrong.
Along the edge of Tecumseth facing W. Gwillimbury, Andrew Carswell, James Manning and one or two others settled in 1819.In Innisfil, Francis Hewson settled at Big Pay Point in or about the same year.
In the same year (1819) about a dozen familes located on the Penetanguishene Road in Oro and Vespra. Amongst these were the families of Brown, Bergin, Debenham, Drury, Gough, Hart, Hickling, Jones, Lawrence, Luck, Mair, Partridge, Watson, White and several other familes, all of whom settled within a short time of each other. These were followed in the next year or two by the familes of Bruce, Craig, Johnson, Lang, McLean, Richardson and Williams, who settled to the north of the last name group. While near Penetanguishene, a few families settled within a year or two after the removal of the Nottawasaga garrison to that place in 1818.
All these families and many more will be referred to when we come to take up each neighbourhood by itself. The arrival of settlers was, however, tardy; and only a few isolated clearings were made up to the year 1831, when a considerable influx of settlers took place. In the next year (1832) the influx became quite general and lasted for about three years, when another lull took place--a calm before the gathering storm of the Rebellion.
Many causes are accountable for this large influx of settlers in 1832. The Reform Bill riots in Britain at the time no doubt caused many to emigrate. In addition to this, great excitement, according to Dr. Thomas Rolph in his "Statistical Account" prevailed in Britain in 1832 on the subject of colonial slavery, compelling the British Government to legislate in favour of emancipation in 1833. This agitation produced feelings hostile to the West Indies, and more favourable to Upper Canada, where the importation of slaves had been abolished in 1793. Besides these, the war of 1812-15 had called attention in Britain to Canadian affairs. The peaceful period succeeded the war, during which period peace also reigned in Europe, was a time when a number of travellers--Murray, Hall, Mrs. Trollope, Galt, and many others--passed through the United States and Canada. On reaching England, their travels were published, and thus public attention there was directed even more extensively toward Canada.
The Rebellion of 1837 is a sharp dividing line. Those who settled before it were the pioneers of he county. When the Rebellion troubles were at an end, other settlers began to flock in once more, and the stream of immigration was kept up to present times. Thus it will be seen that the period before the Rebellion stands out by itself, sharp and clear,--and it is with this period more particularly that we intend to deal in the present work.
In this county as elsewhere throughout the province the pioneers settled in groups or clusters, according to their nationality. In the course of a journey through the county in its pioneer days, a person would come upon groups of English, Scotch, Irish, French-Canadians, Germans, and Negroes--all of whom appeared to have settled in clusters, giving to each neighbourhood its distinctive features, which it will retain for several generations to come. It is interesting to note the progress made by these different national groups or settlements, for they are favourably situated throughout the county for purposes of comparison. The thifty Saxon is side by side with his less lymphatic neighbour, the Celt, from Ireland or the Highlands of Scotland, and the two are mutually benefited, politically, religiously, and in many other ways, by the contact.
In West Gwillimbury there was a settlement of Highland Scotch refugees from Lord Selkirk's colony on the Red River; while in the northern part of the same township, in Tecumseth, in the eastern portion of Essa, and in the southwest of Innisfil--spread over parts of four townships with Cookstown as a centre--was a large settlement of Protestant Orangemen from the north of Ireland. In Southeast Innisfil, and in West Essa, were small settlements of Lowland Scotch. Adjala was originally peopled by Irish Catholics, large groups of whom also located in Flos and Medonte, though these mostly since the Rebellion of '37. In Oro and in Nottawasaga are large settlements of Highland Scotch, most of whom were natives of the island of Islay. Near Penetanguishene a settlement of French-Canadians was made about 1828, and in Oro two dozen Negro families were planted about 1832 on what was known as Wilberforce Street. These, and many more, are the "national" settlements which were formed throughout the county prior to 1837, and it may be added that the greater portion of the county's population at that time was comprised within these "little nations," each having but a few square miles of area. The conditions of life (especially the introduction of railways, which rapidly mix the population) as in every new country, here became such, however, that distinctive national traits of character are giving way to more cosmopolitan manners and speech.
A story is told of the early settlers of Essa (and confirmed on good authority), that they would not allow a Roman Catholic to settle amongst them. A few of such, however, did manage to settle, but the almost unmixed Protestant population of this township, down to the present day, tells the story in uncertain language of this "select policy" on the part of its first settlers.
With the groups of English, Scots, Irish, French-Canadians, Germans, etc., the particular nationality or creed in each case determines the characteristic traits of the group--traits which are persisting through several generations, notwithstanding the levelling tendencies of modern life.
The accompanying lists give, by townships such settlements or groups of the original rural population of Simcoe County, as can be set down in tabular form. The town and village portion of our population is too mixed to be amenable to analysis of this kind; the only observable rule in this case is that the population of each town is mainly recruited from the rural districts in its neighbourhood.
In this county, as elsewhere, names of political and religious significance are often the most convenient for the designation of the various groups.
For the most part, those who colonized this county belonged to the peasant classes of Great Britain and Ireland, as the accompanying table of groups will show, and the traits of character so marked in the British peoples have shown themselves in the life of the people of this county. The sea and sea life have the effect of giving to men the virtues of courage and valor in greater amount than other kinds of life; and those peoples, like the British, who live nearest the sea, furnish sailors of the most courageous types. Speaking generally, the pioneers had more courage than modern people, because there were more occasions demanding the exercise of courage, but our pioneers mostly came of a courageous race.
English (from northern counties of England begun in 1820).....Oro and Vespra (25 familes at first) Medonte, Tecumseth, West Gwillimbury.
Scots (from Sutherlandshire at first. Immigrants with Lord Selkirk's Red River Colonists. Seventeen families, located here in 1819).....West Gwillimbury.
Irish (begun in 1830. Protestants from Ulster. Extensive settlement).....West Gwillimbury, Tecumseth, Innisfil, Essa, Tossorontio.
Germans (begun with 10 families in 1834).....Nottawasaga.
Negroes (Begun in 1828).....Oro (20 families), Sunnidale.
Indians (Ojibways, population about 266).....Beausoleil and Christian Islands.
There were a few other kinds of people among the pioneers. When the soldiers, for example, passed to and fro in the time of the war of 1812-15 through the county, it was then in a state of nature. But as soon as it was opened up for settlement, many of the soldiers who had been impressed by its fair appearance became actual settlers.
At the first the rural development in comparison with that of the towns and villages of that time, strikes the observer. The whirligig of time has completely reversed this order of things in the seventy or eighty odd years that have elapsed since the first extensive settlements were made. The incipient towns of Bradford, Barrie and Orillia, in 1837, for example, or rather, these villages, each contained a dozen or two families; Collingwood or Stayner did not spring into existence until the construction of the Northern Railway in 1854; Penetanguishene was a trifle larger in 1837 than any other place in the county; while Midland was not begun until 1872 at the time of the inauguration of the Midland Railway. Nowadays, the towns and villages contain more than half of the population, but at the first they contained only about the one-twentieth part.
At the end of the second volume there are lists of the settlers who had arrived in the county before 1837, numbering some 1,800 heads of families. After seventy odd years scarcely half a dozen of these pioneers survive. New generations in tenfold numbers fill their places, and cultivated fields take the place of the forest openings in the midst of which they lived and labored with their three-cornered harrows and other primitive implements.
The brief sketches of some of the first settlers, of which the second volume mainly consists, relate chiefly to the first thirty or forty settlers arriving before the others in each township. Of necessity this plan will include those who came in the twenties into South Simcoe, also those at Penetanguishene and along the military road to that post, in the north half of the county, who mostly came during the same early years. But in the other parts of the county those who came a few years later than the above were the pioneers.
The increase in population of later years is to some extent due to an increase in the duration of life. Many persons in this county at one time or another. have reached the age of 100 years or more, and a few facts about this subject may be worthy of record at this part of the history.
The accompanying list gives such particulars as the writer has been able to gather in regard to a few of these centenarians. This is not by any means a complete list, and it is to be remembered that it can be greatly added to, but it is sufficiently representative to be instructive so far as it goes. It is worthy of note that the persons named in the list, almost without exception, came either from Ireland or from the Scottish Highlands, both kinds, in fact, belonging to the most northerly or outlying peoples. Their endurance shows not only the hardiness of the Celtic race, to which they mostly belonged, but also the healthfulness of the climate to which they came. It is also worthy of note that a number of the Ojibway Indians in the county have succeeded in passing the century mark, but the facts of their ages are less reliable than in the cases of the white settlers.
THE BEGINNING OF LAKE NAVIGATION
The Northwest Company complained to the Upper Canadian Government in 1811 that the forwarding parties on Lake Erie and elsewhere near the frontier had been continually subjected to the vexatious interference of the United States customs officials since 1796, and they had had boats and property seized and detained. They suggested the use of the route across the narrow part of the province by way of Lake Simcoe, and this soon brought about the navigation of that lake, as well as the establishment of lake ports at the sourthern end of Georgian Bay for the convenience of navigation on that large body of water, the first of such ports being the Nottawasaga River outlet and Penetanguishene.
At the first the craft in general use was, of course, the birch bark canoe. Then came batteaux, especially in the time of the war of 1812-15; sloops and schooners soon followed both on Lake Simcoe and the Georgian Bay. The inauguration of steamboats on Lake Simcoe took place in 1832, and a "horseboat" was tried in 1838, but did not work well.
As the Northern Railway was not opened till October, 1853, the early vessesls on Lake Simcoe were chiefly concerned with the first settlement of the County, and must, accordingly, come in for a passing review.
Until the year 1832, a few small boats and one schooner comprised the "entire" shipping of Lake Simcoe. Of the small boats, a sloop belonging to Philemon Squire of Holland Landing was often used by parties of settlers going to different points on the lake.
In 1819, depots were established on the Nine Mile Portage for military stores in transit to the posts on the Upper Lakes; and about the same time an armed schooner was built to sail on Lake Simcoe for the protection of the military storehouse on Kempenfeldt Bay, and the transportation of the stores. It was kept in commission by the Johnsons of Holland Landing--a family of U.E. Loyalists.
John Goldie, a traveller who visited Holland Landing in 1819, speaks of this schooner in his journal as follows: "There is nothing but one schooner upon the lake, which is sufficient for all the trade at present."
For sometime in the "twenties" Eli Beman also owned a schooner (probably the one just mentioned, the successor of which, in the fifties, was named the Queen.) Rev. Peter Jones mentions it in his Journal, making the following entry on July 7th, 1829: "We sailed from the Island (Snake Island) this morning in Mr. Beman's schooner, for Yellowhead's Island."
The increasing influx of population and the consequent growth of traffic created a want of better "shipping" facilities. To meet this want, the half-pay officers who had taken up estates chiefly along the north shore of Kempenfeldt Bay in Oro, formed a joint stock company and built a steamboat. This small steamer, which was named the Sir John Colborne, in honour of the Lieutenant-Governor of that day, was built at Holland Landing in 1831, at the Soldiers' or Lower Landing, and launched in 1832. The Sir John Colborne is said to have been a high pressure vessel, and appears to have made more excitement than speed, as will be seen from the following account of her first voyage:-
The Sir John Colborne was sold in 1833 to Charles Thompson, and seems to have increased her speed with time, for in Walton's Directory for 1833-4 we find that "The steamboat Colborne leaves the Holland Landing Mondays and Thursdays, at 8 o'clock in the morning, passing round Lake Simcoe."
This vessel drawing to much water to pass through "The Narrows," she soon gave place on the lake to the Peter Robinson steamer, which was built in 1834. This boat was conducting the traffic of the lake in 1837, when Mrs. Jameson, the celebrated authoress passed this way. In 1838 the following notice appeared in the Toronto Patriot.
After receiving an overhauling in 1839, her name became The Simcoe.
Another steamboat, the Beaver, was launched in the summer of 1845. We learn from Smith's Gazatteer for 1846 that, "During the season, the steamboat Beaver leaves the Holland River for Barrie and Orillia every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, returning on the alternate days." In glancing over the files of the Barrie Magnet, we came upon the following notice of an excursion in the issue of July 12, 1849. As it contains some points of contrast when compared with present facilities, it will no doubt have an interest for modern readers:
At the solicitation of several of the inhabitants of Barrie and neighbourhood, Captain Laughton has kindly consented to run the Steamer Beaver for a pleasure excursion, on Thursday, the 19th July. Starting from Barrie at 7 o'clock a.m., the Beaver will proceed via Georgina, to Orillia; from thence round the beautiful lake "Couchiching," and return to Barrie in the evening. The Amateur Band, at Holland Landing, have kindly volunteered their services for the occasion.
The steamboat landing on the Holland River was seven miles from the lake; and the river for this distance was so very crooked and narrow that the boat often ran her nose into the marshy banks and had to be pushed off with poles. This was a tedious experience for passengers, and led to the removal of the Beaver in the season of 1850 "from the old landing on the east branch, to the Bradford bridge landing place, on the west branch of the river. This branch is said to be much easier to navigate than the east branch; the water being deeper, the stream broader, and its course not so tortuous or choked with marsh. A new steamboat (the Morning) was started in 1849, which ran from the old landing place. The starting a second boat on a route so remote as it then was, was a matter of doubtful policy, as it was very improbable that Lake Simcoe, or the county bordering it, could at the time support two boats."
The construction of the Morning, here referred to, was the result of some misunderstanding between the joint owners of the Beaver,-Captain Laughton, her commander, and Charles Thompson of Summer Hill (near Toronto). Mr. Thompson built the Morning in opposition to the Beaver; and when the Northern Railway came into operation as far as Barrie, in 1853, the former boat ran in connection with the railway.
The next steamer built on the lake was the J.C. Morrison. She was built at Bell Ewart in 1854, by Capt. Hugh Chisholm (afterward of Meaford) and launched in 1855. The Northern Railway Company, then the newly started "Ontario, Simcoe, and Huron Railway Company," owned her, and had built her for the purpose of accommodating pleasure seekers from Toronto and other cities. She was commanded by Captain Fraser during the short period of her existence. From the Meaford Mirror of April, 1888, we derive the following particulars with regard to this well-equipped vessel:-
This vessel is said to have been exceedingly handsome, but her career was a short one, for about two years after she was launched she took fire while at the wharf in Barrie, Aug. 4, 1857, and had to be sent adrift. A young lady was sleeping in one of the cabins at the time, and was with some difficulty rescued. All ablaze, and drifting on the water for some time she finally foundered at the head of the bay, near Allandale.
Following the J.C. Morrison came the Emily May-a steamer built at Bell Ewart by the same builder, Capt. Chisholm. She was launched in 1861, and was owned by the late Capt. May. The Emily May afterward passed into the hands of the Northern Railway Company, which changed her name to the Lady of the Lakes. She in turn gave place to other steamers, after a long and useful career, and her hull now lies rotting at Bell Ewart.
Judge Ardagh, in a paper read before the Historical Society, April 22, 1892, and afterward published in the local newspapers, gave some particulars of the early steamboats on Lake Simcoe; and about the same date the Orilla Times gave an article containing some further particulars narrated by Capt. Hugh McKay, of Hawkestone.
On Georgian Bay, the first vessels and the first steamers ran, as one might naturally expect, in connection with the naval and military establishment at Penetanguishene. Of the first steamers stationed there at various times, there were, in particular, the Midas, the Experiment, and the Mohawk. These had headquarters at Penetanguishene at one time or another in the forties, but it does not appear that any one of the list made regular trips at stated intervals. Befoe these, however, there was a pioneer steamer named the Penetanguishene. It was the first steamer built at this place and was launched about the year 1832 by Mitchell and Thompson, according to the information elicited by Mr. Osborne from the voyageurs. (See p. 145, Ontario Historical Society's Papers and Records, Vol. 111.) It was a small steamer, and ran regularly between there and Coldwater, Captain Borland being in charge of her.
At Sturgeon Bay, a shipping depot was established at the time the Government Road was made thither from Coldwater, and a blockhouse was erected. Sturgeon Bay had docks, and the early steamers made it a port for calls; being the terminus of the Coldwater portage, it became a stirring place in the days before the railways. It is claimed, and quite properly so, that the Gore was the first steamer to make regular trips in connection with this port, and indeed with any other port on Georgian Bay. The Steamer Gore (200 tons) was built at Niagara in 1837. Early in the forties she ran regularly from Sturgeon Bay, which was the point of embarkation for travellers going to the upper lakes. On account of the development of the Bruce mines, the lake traffic here grew rapidly for that day, and Sturgeon Bay flourished. Owing to this boom, a townplot called Port Powell was surveyed in 1846 on lots 9 and 10, con. 9, Tay, and building lots placed on the market by family relatives of Chief Justice Powell, after whom the place doubtless received its name. The sailings of the Gore in 1850 will be found in Chap. XII. of this volume.
This continued until Collingwood became the port for the Bruce mines and other places up the lakes, at the completion of the Northern Railway, Jan. 1, 1855. The first regular line of steamboats, in connection with the railway, began at Collingwood in 1857.
At Collingwood, on the opening of the Northern Railway in 1855, one of the first steamers was the Mazeppa, which made regular trips to Owen Sound. She was followed by others, which kept increasing in size as new ones were made. A paper on "Navigation of the Upper Lakes, (more particularly that of the port of Collingwood)" by David Williams, of Collingwood, was published by him in the Saturday News of that town, Nov. 28, 1908, to which the reader is referred for particulars of the early steamers and an outline of the history of the Northern Navigation Company.
At Midland, with the opening of the Midland Railway, in 1872, navigation rapidly assumed an important position. The erection of the first elevator there further increased the shipping trade, to which the sawmills and the position it held as a railway terminus had already added much growth. Other elevators in later years at Tiffin, Victoria Harbor and at Midland itself, following the development of the lumber industry at Waubaushene, Fesserton, Victoria Harbor, and other ports along the Midland Railway, have given to Matchedash Bay and its branches the important place in navigation which the old fur traders of a century earlier had forseen it would some day possess.
THE FIRST COLONIZATION ROADS
In the years before the Rebellion of 1837, the Upper Canadian Legislature generally made the grants for roads and other public works; but there was so little surplus revenue, owing to the great undertakings and the profuse and careless expenditures, that the Legislature was compelled to establish a system of local assessments. By this plan they left local works mainly to the municipalities themselves, the inauguration of the works, as well as their supervision, being done through the Quarter Sessions of the magistrates. (Lord Durham's Report, p. 109, edition, 1902).
The construction of leading roads through the wilderness was a matter of common concern to the settlers, and they naturally looked to the government to aid them in these necessary public works. In too many cases their hopes were vain. Prior to the Act of 1841, which established District Councils, the deficiency of the Magistrates' Quarter Sessions as the means of local self-government often made it necessary for the people to apply to the Legislative Assembly direct for every road or bridge they required, or indeed for almost any other public work.
It will be interesting to take up the various colonization roads, one after another, giving their history, as nearly as possible, in the order of their origin and growth. The first wagon road in the county was the Nine Mile Portage, and with this one it will be necessary to begin.
This road, which is now unused and forgotten, was once the most important highway in this northern part of the country. It connected Kempenfeldt Bay with Willow Creek-a branch of the Nottawasaga River-and accordingly formed a connecting link of the route from Lake Ontario to Lake Huron, which has already been mentioned.
Just when this road was first opened cannot now be ascertained. It dates back as a trail into the eighteenth century or perhaps earlier, and was a portage over which Indians used to carry their canoes. In the Gazetteer of 1799, where a description of Lake Simcoe is given, we meet with the first notice of this famous portage: "To the westward is a large deep bay, called Kempenfeldt's Bay, from the head of which is a short carrying-place to the River Nottawasaga."
The southeastern terminus of the portage was near the present railway depot in Barrie, but the town itself at that time had no existence; its site was a forest wilderness, nor were there any inhabitants within several miles of it at the time mentioned. During the war of 1812-15, the portage was widened so that wagons could cross it, to transport supplies on their way to the government posts of the upper lakes. It was about nine miles in length, and hence came to be familiarly known as the Nine Mile Portage.
Sir George Head, in his Forest Scenes, has left us a graphic picture of how the Indians used to cross this Portage in 1815. In the spring of that year he was temporarily dwelling in a cabin at Kempenfeldt, but had resolved to move his quarters to a new log house at the head of the bay. So one fine day he set out to walk along the shore through the wood to the latter place, when he saw an Indian passing by in his canoe, with his family, bound for the portage landing at the head of the bay. The Indian gladly took Head on board, and the canoe, paddled by the squaw of course, soon reached the head of the bay, where they landed at the place connecting with the portage above referred to. We give Head's own account of the scene:
But besides having been used for military purposes, the Nine Mile Portage was the only highway over which traders, settlers, and Indians passed for many years, and was therefore vastly important in the life of the district at that time. Amongst distinguished persons of the time who crossed it, may be mentioned Sir John Franklin, who passed over it in April, 1825, on his second overland expedition to the Arctic Sea. In making this portage, Franklin and his party were assisted by "Squire Soules" with his ox-team, from Big Bay Point, and also by James Johnson of Kempenfeldt.
Much had to be transported by teams over the portage at all seasons of the year, and the settlers of the surrounding district often found employment in that way. In consequence of the great amount of traffic, quite a little village arose at the northwestern terminus of the portage on Willow Creek.
The late Thomas Drury, Sr., was married at this village in its palmy days, and the place otherwise manifested the usual signs of social life. But times have changed greatly, for there is scarcely a trace now left to tell the visitor that a village once existed at the place. Many were the tales told by the old settlers of the events that happened at this hamlet now numbered with the dead.
The portage continued to be the highway over which supplies for the military post and for the settlers were teamed until the Northern Railway was built to Collingwood in 1855. This was its death blow; it has passed out of existence and is entirely forgotten by the public except by those grey-haired persons who were residents before it fell into disuse.
A trip across the old portage road is interesting to anyone who may desire a fuller knowledge of our county's history, for it can still be traced across the country from Barrie to Willow Creek, except in those places where improved farms have plotted it entirely out of existence. On one farm in the eighth concession of Vespra, there were to be seen great trenches beside it which had be thrown up in the time of the war; old spades, chains, and other articles have been found here. Farther on it descended a very steep, stony hill; this place is still to be seen. To descend this hill with a heavy load was the greatest difficulty to be encountered along the entire portage. In the time of the war when cannons had to be teamed across, they passed ropes around the trees on the roadside, and thus let the heavy loads down with ease. For many hills the trees on the hillside showed the marks of the ropes that had worn into them. (This method of descending high hills with a heavy load was called "tracking" by the settlers).
On the sandy plains at the foot of this large hill, ruts were cut into the ground by the large amount of traffic over the road in olden times. Beyond these plains, and at the brink of another high hill, the fort or blockhouse itself was built to command the landing on Willow Creek, which was within a half a mile of the foot of the hill. This fort was built in this high position to overlook a wide stretch of country; from it danger might be seen at a great distance, and it was defensible against attack on one side, at least.
It was there that the now deserted village arose about the year 1830, but nothing can be seen of the place now, save the outlines of the foundations of a few buildings, covering in all about quarter of an acre. There had been three or four acres cleared just around the fort, and this laid in a common down nearly to the present time. The branch of the Grand Trunk Railway to Penetanguishene runs along at the foot of the hill only a few rods from the site of the fort, and between it and Willow Creek. Descending the hill to the railway, and then tracing the road through swamp and beaver-meadow over the old cedar corduroy, which after the lapse of more than three-quarters of a century is still perfectly sound, one reaches the landing itself on the creek--the northwestern terminus of this portage. From this point easy access was possible by means of batteaux down the creek to the Nottawasaga River, and thence to the waters of the Georgian Bay.
In the Rev. Thomas Williams' pioneer "Memories" (No. 3), he gives some account of the "Nine Mile Portage," over which he teamed goods during the season of 1824, and his description of the road as it was at that time must be interesting to anyone who desires to follow the history of the road and the locality.
IN 1793, Governor Simcoe, as already stated, visited the shores of Georgian Bay and discovered that the harbour, called by the Indians Penetanguishene, was a most suitable place for shipping. He thereupon decided to use this harbour in sending supplies to the Government posts up the lakes; but there is no evidence that his resolution was immediately carried into effect. One of the schemes that he then devised for the opening up of the country seems to have had this object in view, for he planned the opening of a colonization road to connect Lake Ontario with Georgian Bay. In carrying out this plan he put the "Queen's Rangers" to open Yonge Street from York (now Toronto) as far as Holland Landing, which was done in 1796. From this point the route lay by water to the north side of Lake Simcoe. At Kempenfeldt a Government reserve was laid out in 1812 by Surveyor Wilmot, as already stated. A road was then to be cut from Kempenfeldt to Penetanguishene, through the forest. This was proposed in 1813, for we find the following information in the second edition of Smyth's Gazetteer, published in that year, which appears to be the earliest reference to the proposed opening of the road:
Dr. Dunlop had charge of the party sent in Dec., 1814, to open the Penetanguishene Road at this time, and he has left an account of it in his "Recollections of the War of 1812." After describing the cutting of this road through the forest, he speaks thus of the great cost of the undertaking: "The expense of a war surprises John Bull, and he only grumbles; were he to enquire into the causes it is to be hoped he would be shy of so expensive an amusement, where after all he does not get his fun for his money. I would undertake to-morrow to cut a better road than we could possibly do, for forty pounds a mile (a distance of thirty miles), and make money by it, give me timely warning and a proper season of the year; whereas I am convinced that £2,500 to £3,000 did not pay for the one we cut."
Dr. Dunlop's "Recollections of the War" first appeared in the "Literary Garland" (Montreal) many years ago, and have been reprinted in book form (Toronto, 1908).
The next time we hear of this road is when Sir George Head passed over it Feb. 27, 1815, on his way to undertake the commissariat duties of the proposed naval establishment at Penetanguishene. He says it has been newly cut through the forest and gives a graphic account of his experiences, while passing over it, in his "Forest Scenes and Incidents in the Wilds of North America." From Head's description of it the inference is unavoidable that it was then in a primitive condition and thus it appears to have remained for a few years longer.
When the military post at Penetanguishene was removed to the Nottawasaga River in 1815, this road from Kempenfeldt was in turn abandoned for the Nine Mile Portage leading to Willow Creek. But after the post was finally taken to Penetanguishene in 1818, it again came into use, and the next year settlers began to locate along it.
For a few years Lake Simcoe remained the only connecting link between the two parts of the great inter-lake highway--that part from York (Toronto) to Holland Landing, and that from Kempenfeldt to Penetanguishene. This route, involving as it did the use of boats in summer for the entire length of Lake Simcoe, was not practicable for the transportation of live stock. Numbers of cattle had to be driven from the frontier townships to supply the soldiers stationed at Penetanguishene with beef. This was effected by collecting them at Roache's Point; they were then ferried across the entrance of Cook's Bay to DeGrassi Point on the opposite shore in a scow. At the latter place was a ferry-house, occupied at the time we are speaking of by a Frenchman. From this place they were driven along an exceedingly winding Indian trail through Innisfil to the head of Kempenfeldt Bay, from where access to their destination was obtained by the road opened in 1814-15. Bit by bit the remaining part of the road was opened.
The new settlers in West Gwillimbury at the beginning of 1824 sent a petition to the Upper Canada Legislature, showing that they were separated from the old settled townships (on Yonge Street) by an impassable swamp, and were unable, without assisstance, to construct the bridges and causeways necessary to cross this barrier. They asked aid, and the Legislature, on January 24 of that year, made a grant of £150 for the first main road in West Gwillimbury (4 Geo. IV., chap. 29). It was on this occasion that Robert Armstrong and his sons built the first corduroy across the Holland Marsh.
This great colonization road from Ontario to Huron was completed in the fall of 1825, when it was extended beyond the settlements in West Gwillimbury, where it had already been constructed, to the head of Kempenfeldt Bay to join the earlier portion thence to Penetanguishene. The circumstances connected with its complete opening may be briefly recounted in the following way.
The removal of the military and naval station from Nottawasaga to Penetanguishene in 1818, gave the hope of a market at the latter place, and settlers soon began to flock to that quarter in preference to any other. The soldiers there were paid for their services in money, which, accordingly, circulated more plentifully in the surrounding neighborhood; whereas, in other places, farm produce was exchanged for store goods in those days, it being difficult to procure cash for an article at any point nearer than York (Toronto). On account of this greater abundance of ready cash, the district around Penetanguishene was settled before prior to Innisfil. The settlers had gone by the waterway of Lake Simcoe from Holland Landing to Kempenfeldt, and from there by the road which had been opened in 1814-15; and in order to communicate with the frontier part of the province, they were obliged to traverse again the same inconvenient route. As the settlement around Penetanguishene continued to develop, the inconvenience of transit, partly by land and partly by water began to be seriously felt. By the year 1825, Yonge Street had been extended in a rude way northward from Holland Landing to the Coulson Settlement in the north of West Gwillimbury; but that part of Innisfil where the road subsequently ran was an unbroken wilderness, with the exception of one settler's clearing. If this almost unbroken forest in Innisfil could be pierced so as to join the two other parts of the road already constructed, overland communication with the front would then be secured for these Penetanguishene settlers.
A movement was accordingly set on foot to have the road made through Innisfil; and as the Government of the day took no steps in the matter, these settlers around Penetanguishene raised by subscription a sum of money sufficient to do it. John and George Warnica, of Innisfil, took the contract for the part from Kempenfeldt Bay to the site of Churchill, a distance of eleven miles, receiving for the work five dollars per mile (£1 5s.). They also opened the remaining part thence to West Gwillimbury, as the contractor, John Cayton, was unable to complete his end of the road. This was all done in the fall of 1825. William Richardson and James White, of the Penetanguishene Road, near Dalston of the present, assisted the Warnica brothers to reopen the new road after a severe wind storm had blown many trees across it. In early records this road is called "Main Street," and even at the present day it is often known as the Main Road. When first made it was very rough and winding, especially from where it cuts the twelfth concession line of Innisfil to the head of the bay; but it has been straightened in succeeding years, and this crooked portion ratified by Act of Parliament.
John Galt, in his Autobiography, speaks of this road being opened in 1827, as horses with his baggage came from Holland Landing, and met him at the head of Kempenfeldt Bay. "They had come through the forest by a tract recently opened, a great convenience in summer; in winter the lake is frozen, and travellers pass on the ice." Thus was opened one of the earliest and most important colonization roads in Upper Canada.
The condition of this road through the forest can only be understood by those who have seen a forest road after its opening, and for many than twenty years afterward it remained in much the same condition. Horseback riding was by far the safest mode of travelling on such a road and at such a period. It was upon lot 16, con. 3, of Innisfil that Sir John Colborne, Governor of Upper Canada, was thrown from his horse in 1830. The original road was zig-zag throughout its entire length, keeping, however, in a general way to the surveyed lines; at Churchill it made a slight deviation into this farm, and encountered a soft, swampy tract, which was an unwelcome place to travellers. Governor Colborne had, upon the occasion in question, been on a visit to Penetanguishene, and was accompanied by Francis Phelps, of Holland Landing, and a retinue of servants and friends, all mounted on horseback. The old veteran of Badajos was always reckoned to be a very hard rider, his horse on this occasion becoming perhaps more fatigued than ususal. When they had reached the marshy tract at Churchill on the return trip the horse on which Sir John rode plunged, and tossed his Excellency over its head into the mud. Considering the softness of the marsh into which he tumbled, there could not possibly follow any serious results; but the Governor's man-servant, who was riding next behind, rushed forward, shouting: "Are you hurt, sir? Are you hurt, sir?" to which enquiries, however, the Governor modestly made no reply, but scrambled out of the mire on his hands and knees with amazing rapidity. To see the Governor of Upper Canada besmeared with mud from head to foot, beyond recognition, was a sight which afforded a good deal of merriment to the neighborhood, and the episode was a favorite topic of conversation for many a day.
This was originally a long Indian portage from the Narrows, or rather from Lake Couchiching at the point where Orillia town now stands, to Coldwater on Matchedash Bay, its length being fourteen miles. In 1830, when Sir John Colborne, the Governor of Upper Canada, collected the Ojibway tribes of the district into a reserve here, extending along the portage, the original trail was cleared out as a road for vehicles, and it has remained an important highway to this day. Northwestwardly from the fourth line (S. Orillia), at the Orillia Cemetery, this road now runs through flat ground. But there is a conspicuous bar of gravel and sand, or old lake ridge, across this valley or channel, only 15 or 20 rods north of the present surveyed road. This bar carried the original Indian trail, and a similar remark applies to the crossing of another channel nearer Bass Lake. Elsewhere the present course of the road is almost identical with the first trail.
The introduction of a steamer on Lake Simcoe soon after the Colwater trail had been converted into a wagon road greatly added to its utility as a line of travel to the north, the Narrows than becoming a regular port for calls. And we find many of the noted travellers of that period who have left accounts of their trips, passing to and fro by that route, from Mrs. Jameson, or even before her visit, to Lord Elgin.
The main road projected from Whitby past Lake Simcoe to Sturgeon Bay in 1843, further enhanced the value of the Coldwater Portage, as it could be utilized as a part of this proposed line of travel. The Orillia Packet of July 30, 1908, gave the minutes of a meeting held at Orillia, Feb. 3, 1843, to petition the Governor-General in favor of the construction of this new road, the docements printed in the Packett on the date mentioned having just turned up in the Bureau of Archives at Ottawa. One of the moving spirits in promoting this road was Elmes Steele, who was M.P. for Simcoe County at the time, and who had been unceasing in his efforts to forward the work.
It was at this time that the Coldwater Portage was extended as a wagon road from Coldwater to Sturgeon Bay. This portion was known as the Sturgeon Bay Road, and we read of it being open in 1844, at least as a rough track. (Minutes of the District Council, p. 223).
Prior to 1843, under the directions of the President of the Board of Works, Deputy-Surveyor Wm. Hawkins had surveyed the Narrows and in his report had pronounced the construction of a bridge there as quite feasible. Soon after this the Board of Works constructed the first bridge and causeway across the Narrows.
While the road from Orillia to Sturgeon Bay was thus completely open soon after 1843, the portion from Whitby to Orillia was still under construction in 1847 (February), as we learn from a report by Frederick Dallas, written at that time. (Minutes of the District Council, p. 361).
This ran from the Penetanguishene Road at Hillsdale of the present time, to Gloucester Bay, which was the old name of some part of Matchedash Bay. It was opened as a Government Road in the winter of 1832-3, and the Gloucester Road became the leading highway through Medonte in the early years of its settlement. But it is now closed, except for about two miles between Mount St. Louis and the Township Hall. Along this part of it many signs of Indians, both early and modern, were to be found until recent times; old tappings, said to have been made by them, were still visible a few years ago on maple trees in one or two places. The trail was near the southerly side of the ridge, because here they found the land higher and dryer in most places.
The circumstances under which the settlers made the first Gloucester Road are recorded in the following despatch of the Commissioner of Crown Lands to Wellesley Richie, who was employed by the Government at this time in settling the newcomers on their lands:-
When the inhabitants of Medonte petitioned in 1845 to have this road improved, they complained loudly of the original Indian track that had been used as a road, and commonly called "The Indian Path," or "Wood Bridge Road." It was, they said, "an illegal, serpentine and indirect route, and abounded in hills, swamps and rocks, tottering bridges and rotten crossways."
The first Sunnidale Road was surveyed by Charles Rankin from the Head of Kempenfeldt Bay to the Nottawasaga River, and thence through Sunnidale Township to Nottawasaga Bay in 1833, by Wm. Hawkins. In the Surveyor-General's instructions to Mr. Hawkins, dated 30th May of that year, when directing him to survey a town plot on the Nottawasaga River, he says:-
After the survey of the road, a town plot at each end of it being then surveyed also (on Kenpenfeldt and Nottawasaga Bays), Alexander Walker and the Drury Brothers, under contract from the Government, opened the road in 1833. Like all the other pioneer roads, it was a mere wagon track through the forest; for two miles from the head of Kempenfeldt Bay it followed the Nine Mile Portage, and then pursued a more southerly direction of its own to the Nottawasaga River near Angus of the present time.
At Nottawasaga Bay the smooth sand beach could then be used as a road for wagons for several miles, just as it has been utilized for transit in our own day. Westward it led to the settlements on the good lands in the Township of Nottawasaga, and eastward into the Townships of Flos and Tiny.
The Ridge Road through Oro Township from the head of Kempenfeldt Bay as far as Shanty Bay was one of the first in the district to be opened for vehicles. It was in use sometime before 1833, and afforded a means of travel to the Penetanguishene Road which began at Kempenfeldt, for the early settlers along the lake shore in Oro.
Further extension of this road was proposed from time to time in the early years. At the General Quarter Sessions for the Home District, October 7, 1841, there was submitted the Road Report of Horace Keating upon the petition of W.B. McVittie and others, "requiring a road to be surveyed and opened on the shore of Lake Simcoe, from Lot No. 24 in the 12th concession of Oro, toward the town of Barrie (and) to the Ridge Road." Mr. Keating's Report was read and "confirmed," but the road itself was not then built.
A pioneer's trail went from Shanty Bay toward Gilchrist P.O., and at the west half of lot 17, concession 4, it united with another branch from Crownhill. The latter came from the Penetanguishene Road, at lot 12, and crossed the Crownhill swamp at a narrow part (where a Trespass crossroad through lot 18, concession 3, still marks its course), before uniting with the former. The early Highland Scotch settlers in the northern part of Oro used these trails, or both branches of the one, as the Ridge Road was not opened eastward much beyond Shanty Bay in the early days of settlement. This Gilchrist trail might have been used a little by the early Indians; it evidently led to the east, as the swamps were too extensive to be regularly crossed going by this trail toward the northwest corner. It was used within the memory of living persons, by Indians travelling overland from Barrie to Orillia.
The more important one of the trails from Lake Simcoe into the interior began at the outlet of Hawkestone Creek, and followed up the west side of the stream for a considerable distance, not immediately beside the stream, but along the ridges a short way from it. The Indians used it from the earliest times, and it was also a deer path; then the early settlers used it, about 1832 and later, on their way to upper Oro from Hawkestone, where there was a landing-place for settlement purposes. Yet, the writer has been informed that it was never widened into a wagon road, but was only a path, although in some places it was wide enough for an ox-team. It crosses Hawkestone Creek, and in the neighborhood of Mitchell Square reappears along the east side of the creek, or at least a branch of the same pioneers' trail.
The foregoing list of the earliest colonization roads in the county, except where the Penetanguishene Road left Holland Landing and a branch of it from Bradford went to Bond Head, all ran from Lake Simcoe to the northward. But there was an exception to this rule in the case of the Centre Road through Mono and Mulmur, having for its destination Nottawasaga Bay.
In Etobicoke Township a branch of Dundas Street passed northward to Adjala and Tecumseth. Another, a little further on, passed in a northwesterly direction through Mono Mills, aiming for Nottawasaga Bay. These were travelled roads from the frontier townships early in the thirties, and about the same time or a little later one also passed to Orangeville of the present day.
There was a survey for a leading road through these townships in 1837, so it belongs to the earliest highways of the pioneers. But as some of the northerly portions of this road were opened under the direction of the Simcoe District Council as late as 1848-9, it will come more properly in the next chapter.
THE ROADS UNDER THE DISTRICT COUNCIL, (1843-9)
In the very first year of its existence (1843) the District Council of Simcoe addressed the Legislature, representing that the ordinary means at their disposal were not sufficient to make and keep in repair the roads and bridges throughout the District, (with the management of which they had been charged by the new Municipal Act of that time), and also representing that the people of the District were unable to bear further taxes. They sought relief, therefore, and requested that the revenue from shops, taverns and still licenses, fees on marriage licenses, and fines and penalties, be relinquished to them.
At the February meeting of the District Council, 1844, on motion of Wm. Armson, of West Gwillimbury, who was frequently the promoter of progressive measures, the Council divided the District into eight divisions for the purpose of appointing a Road Surveyor in each. It will be of some interest to give the names of the men who were appointed on this occasion, and who corresponded, in some degree, to our pathmasters of the present day, of whom they were the forerunners.
(February, 1844)
It will be more convenient to take up the transactions of this period under the head of each road, as in the last chapter.
The Canadian Parliament had granted, on Spet. 18, 1841, the large sume of £30,000 sterling, to improve and complete the "main northern road," and improve parts of it to Penetanguishene, and also on the Coldwater Portage. The District Council complained in February, 1844, that nothing had been done, and that from Barrie to Holland Landing the road was, "impassable for wheel carriages;" accordingly, they sent an address to the Governor-General, Sir Charles T. Metcalfe, on the subject.
Again, in May of the same year, another address from the Governor-General to the District Council mentioned the £30,000 formerly granted for the main road, but none had yet been expended in the District. They pled that they had a debt of nearly £8,000, and that the resident inhabitants were taxed nearly 4d. in the £.
At the same meeting, John Coulson and others residing in West Gwillimbury petitioned the District Council to order the surveying of the Penetanguishene Road through that township, in order to straigten the jogs. The Council abruptly reminded the petitioners that they had their remedy by employing a surveyor themselves and reporting to the Council. The transaction, however, tended to increase the agitation then in progress for the improvement of the road.
When the Hon. W. B. Robinson for the second time became the member of Parliament for Simcoe, the District Council renewed its appeal (Nov., 1844), this time to him, to expedite the improvement of the main road from Penetanguishene to Holland Landing. But the financial condition of the united provinces was not very flourishing just at the time, so nothing could be done. In 1845, however, we find the Turnpike road from Bradford to Holland Landing was under a Parliamentary trust.
A protest of unusual strength, even for those days, went from the District Council on this subject in 1846. And when the Hon. W. B. Robinson became Commissioner of Public Works in the Draper ministry the improvements so long desired were begun. The road was straightend and widened, and for a few miles from Allandale sothward it was turnpiked, in 1847. This gave employment to a considerable number of men, as the work was all done by hand, there being no improved road machinery in those days. Many of those employed at the work were Irish emigrants. It was at this time also that the road from Craighurst northward was made directly across Craig's Swamp, a deviation having hitherto existed at this place. Still farther north, above Orr Lake, Rowley's Hill was cut down and improved. In this work the contractor (Morrison, of Craighurst) employed a wooden railway and rail truck wagons, which ran down of themselves when loaded, being in charge of a brakesman, while horses drew the empty cars back to the cutting.
The money granted for this work came to an end long before the road was completely improved, and when there was no more money the work ceased, especially after an election which came off that year, the expenditure on public works in those days being very similar to what it is in our own times, so far at any rate as elections are concerned.
So far as the District Council was concerned, the end had not come, for they petitioned the Legislature in February, 1848, for a further grant of money for the completion of the Penetanguishene Road under the management of the Board of Works. But it does not appear that any further grant was made, the Baldwin ministry taking the place of the Draper ministry soon afterward.
This is now the main highway from Barrie to Orillia. It was surveyed by Henry Creswicke, Sr., and opened as a public road along the lake ridge, in 1848, eastward from Shanty Bay, the westerly part having been opened before. It appears to have been an Indian trail, originally, as there are a few Indian village sites along the ridge, and no swamps to cut off the travelling. The ridge is almost continuous for a long way, and there are no streams flowing into Kempenfeldt Bay from the north, but a few small ones begin to make their appearance as soon as the lake itself is reached, near Oro Station. Sir George Head ("Forest Scenes") mentions the ridge running into Oro from the head of Kempenfeldt Bay, which he had found passable as a trail in 1815. But the writer has not met with any other tradition of it.
James Adam, the representative from Oro to the Home District Council which held its sittings in Toronto, had urged, as early as February, 1842, a survey of a road leading from Barrie to Orillia, and had been promised that as soon as the funds of the District should warrant the Council to incur the expense of surveying important lines of road, this should be one of the first undertaken. At the end of that year Simcoe became a district by itself, and the question took a different turn.
In the pioneer days there were three Crossroads travelled through Oro Township, viz., the Upper, Middle and Lower Crossroads. In the end it came about that the Upper and Middle roads were both opened before the Lower, or Ridge Road. About December, 1846, Mr. Gzowski of the Board of Works (afterward Sir C. S. Gzowski), while at work on the Whitby and Sturgeon Bay Road across the Narrows, had examined different lines for a direct road between Barrie and Orillia with the view to the construction of one early in the following spring.
Following Mr. Gzowski's preliminary inspection for the road, Frederick Dallas, the representative from Orillia in the District Council, brought up the subject at the February session, 1847, and the Council petitioned the Legislative Assembly for an appropriation for one. It appears from the statements of the Hon. W. B. Robinson, quoted in the Barrie Magnet of Aug. 20, 1847, that he had £500 in the estimates presented to the Legislature that season, but could not get it through the House, as there were many districts that got nothing at all. He was promised it, however, the next session. With this beginning, the Ridge Road was finally opened in 1848, as above stated, the resident road surveyor, James Tudhope, having taken a part in its survey, as well as Henry Creswicke, the District Surveyor.
Early in 1843, or perhaps in the preceding autumn, Neil McLean surveyed the Middle Crossroad or Centre Road through Oro, following along, and in some places, near to, the road allowance between lots 15 and 16. The survey, diagram and petition for the establishment of the road came before the District Council in February of that year, and the Council considered the road as of great importance and "manifest public utility," but in consequence of the obscurity of the surveyor's diagram, (so it is alleged in the Minutes, p. 391), they took no action. Again, on May 9, (at the second sitting), another report and survey from the same surveyor came before them, which they adopted; and in August they passed a By-law to establish the road. Along the route followed by this road there had been an Indian trail through the forest, leading from Crownhill of the present time to Orillia, and the establishment of the new road here shows again the necessity the pioneers were under to select for their forest roads the same kind of courses which the Indians had selected, neither of them having the means of running roads straight through the woods, over swamps, hills and other obstructions, as we do to-day.
In the following year (1844) the Council made a continuation of the road from Oro to Orillia town (then a village). In May, James Tudhope exhibited a diagram to the Council, showing the survey of a road through part of Soth Orillia, beginning from lot 15, con. 1, where it connected with the middle Crossroad of Oro, and leading to lot 10, con. 3 of South Orillia. The Council thereupon confirmed it and passed a By-law to establish the road.
When Donald Cameron and fourteen others of Oro petitioned the District Council in February, 1844, to be allowed to employ a surveyor for laying out the crossroad between lots 10 and 11 in that township, the Council could see no objections to the petitioners doing so, and the surveyor reporting on the same. At this session James Tudhope was appointed as road surveyor, and it fell to his lot to lay out the course of the new main road, which was now opened from the Penetanguishene Road at White's Corners (now Dalston) throughout the township. It acquired great importance a few years later, as it became the stage road of the Barrie and Orillia route before the railway. In the following year (1845) it was extended across part of South Orillia to join the Coldwater Road, and from this time onward it became known to most persons as the Orillia Road. This followed the arrangements made in May of that year in accordance with the survey of James Tudhope, when the By-law was passed by the District Council to establish the road across the first three and a half concessions of South Orillia, at lot 10.
Two years later, owing to the numerous hills on the road allowance in Oro, between lots 10 and 11, concessions 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10, the District Council had to establish the deviation at this place and passed a by-law for the purpose (February, 1847).
Two other roads in the north part of Oro were also in evidence about this time, and are worthy of note here, as they were necessary highways for the pioneers of that settlement and were to some extent auxiliary to the Upper Crossroad. The first was a new road across the easterly six concessions of Oro, south of Bass Lake. The District Council passed a By-law in Nov., 1844, establishing it. The lake and other physical obstructions prevented the opening of the road allowance in the proper place along the lot 5 sideroad, so it had to pass approximately between lots 6 and 7, and to this day the new road then opened is the travelled road.
The other was a trespass road between lots 7 and 8, con. 3, Oro, which had been in uninterrupted use since about 1837. This was closed in 1846, and the regular crossroad between lots 5 and 6 opened.
During the next month (September), "at very considerable cost and trouble," several of the inhabitants employed a surveyor (Neil McLean) to ascertain the practicability of a new route by a safe and direct course. A few months later before this (viz., in February) the Council had appointed Thomas Craig as Road Surveyor of the division in which Medonte was placed, and the reason for the employment of another surveyor is not stated in the printed proceedings of the Council.
Again, in February, 1845, Alex. Dunlop and 105 other inhabitants of Medonte and neighboring townships petitioned the Council to establish a new road. The Council granted their petitions, but so rigid was their due regard to economy it was only granted on condition that the petitioners should pay all legal expenses incurred in establishing the new line of road. Jas. Burnfield and eleven others had duly required Thos. Craig, the surveyor of highways for Medonte, to examine and report upon the new line of road surveyed by Neil McLean, Deputy Provincial Surveyor. Mr. Craig did so, and gave in a report on the proposed road, in which he describes its course (Minutes, p. 207). He found this line generally level and dry ground, where a road might be made at light expense; and thereupon the new road was made.
In May, 1846, the District Council passed a by-law to establish a road across the country, from Nottawasaga through the Townships of Osprey, Collingwood, Euphrasia and St. Vincent, these four townships being then within the Simcoe District. David Seaman, of St. Vincent, was the surveyor of this route, the details of which are given in the by-law itself. It passed out of Nottawasaga at lot 25, con. 12 of that township, due west from Bowmore (now Duntroon), crossed the northeast corner of Osprey, entered Collingwood township in the 5th concession, and pursued a northwesterly course to Meaford. The portion from Meaford to Owen Sound was opened about the same time, and the part through Nottawasaga to Lake Simcoe had been opened a few years before.
It soon became an important highway for the pioneers, and had a variety of names in proportion to its importance; thus it was called the Mail Road, the Mountain Road, the Barrie and Owen Sound Road. Although it was a mail road and had been established by the District Council, it was wretchedly bad and almost impassable at certain seasons. John Hunter, the Mail Contractor between Barrie and Owen Sound, petitioned the Council, in February, 1849, for a sum of money to repair it; it must have been in very bad condition when he would rise to complain. In the following year it was no better, and from that time until the end if its career, it was a chronic source of complaint. The construction of the railway to Collingwood town in 1854 put it out of business for the most part, as the railway has also done to so many other pioneer roads.
When Joseph F. Bowerman and others living in the south parts of Nottawasaga Township petitioned the District Council, in October, 1847, to establish the line of road between the 8th and 9th concessions of that township, along the route which afterward became the important highway known as the Centre Road or Hurontario Street, this leading thoroughfare was either not opened for a long distance south into Mulmur, and north to Glenhuron, or was in a very crude and primitive condition. The petitioners sent a diagram with their petition showing the route, with the deviations around the hills which they proposed, and Mr. McGlashan, one of the representatives from the township, reported a grant of £1,000 by the Board of Works, for road purposes in Nottawasaga. But as the required notice in such cases had not been given, the Council laid the matter over until the next session.
At the same session of the District Council (October, 1847) Daniel Markle and other residents of Mulmur petitioned for the opening of Hurontario Street in that township. It was open at the south end of Mulmur for four miles (10 lots), and the petitioners asked to have it completed to lot 32, i.e., to the base line of Nottawasaga. But they met with the same red tape as their neighbors in Nottawasaga had done. They were politely informed that they possessed "all the requisite power within themselves, and were told to request a District Road Surveyor to examine, survey and report to the Council at some of its future sittings," taking care to give three months' notice of their attended application to the Council in some conspicuous places in their own neighborhood and in the Barrie Magnet newspaper.
Undaunted by the red tape, the pioneers, both north and south of Lavender, set to work, and Archibald McNabb's report on the road through Mulmur and Nottawasaga came before the Council at its very first session after this, viz., in February, 1848. Mr. McNabb was then a District Road Surveyor, and Hurontario Street appears to have been in his division. But some further delay arose at least over part of the route, and it was not until October, 1849, that the District Council finally passed a by-law establishing Hurontario Street through Mulmur, thus making the last link between lake and lake. It was completely open from Orangeville to Nottawasaga Bay in 1850, when W. H. Smith wrote his book on Canada, (Vol. 1, p. 280).
In the thirties, Hurontario Street had been opened from Bowmore (now Duntroon) as far north, or nearly so, as Nottawa, where, soon afterward, mills were erected on the excellent mill stream known as Pretty River. From Nottawa, an early road passed to the "Old Village" near the mouth of Pretty River, at which point mills were also established. The extension of Hurontario Street in a straight line northward from Nottawa into Collingwood town took place about the time of the building of the railway in 1854.
The Lake Shore Road from Nottawasaga through Collingwood Township was opened early in the forties, a grant of £50 from the District Council being recorded in February, 1846, for its improvement.
At an early date an agitation began for the opening of another wagon road from Lake Simcoe to Lake Huron, but the project seems to have failed to materialize at the outset. The Nine Mile Portage was indeed in existence, but did not afford communication except to the Willow Creek, which was inadequate to meet the wants of the rapidly growing settlements. A shorter route was also desired than the Sunnidale Road, whose destination was to far west. At the meeting of the Council for the United Townships of Vespra, Flos, Sunnidale and Barrie, held on January 2nd, 1843, the following resolution was adopted, bearing upon this subject:
At this time the new road was opened as far as the village of Minesing of the present day, but not beyond, and for many years afterward was known as "Lount's Road." The construction of the Northern Railway within the next few years set aside the question of constructing it from Minesing onward to the mouth of the river.
From the abundance of Indian relics and village sites of the aborigines along the high ground in South Orillia, and thence along "The Ridge" in North Orillia as far as the ninth concession of the latter and beyond it, it is evident that an Indian trail followed the ridge parallel with Lake Couchiching, but inland some distance from the lake shore. The writer has frequently pointed out that the ridges, which were wooded with hardwood chiefly, invariably had Indian trails along them. The low, flat land containing swamps or thickets were less penetrable for walkers, and the present instance is no exception to the rule. From Orilla town to Washago, the Muskoka Road, opened partly in 1847, along the eastern flanks of the ridges, and also parallel with Lake Couchiching, is the modern representative of the old forest trail. The present road, however, runs perhaps a little nearer the lake than did the old trail itself, yet the two followed the same course. This trail was in use down to the time when the wagon road was established. Early settlers testify to the existence of the trail here within their remembrance, and there was also Indian portages to the Severn River, crossing the Muskoka Road or trail to Washago.
In October, 1847, the District Council of Simcoe passed a by-law to establish a road in North and South Orillia parallel with the edge of Lake Couchiching from the town of Orillia mortheastward. This was the forerunner of the present Muskoks Road. The by-law described its course as far as lot No. 4, con. 9 of North Orillia, and at a little later time it was extended to Washago. Wm. Lloyd and others in Orillia Township had petitioned the District Council in the preceding February for this road, and the Council had laid the matter over till the October meeting, in order that the notice required, previous to the establishment of any road, might be given.
Late in the autumn of 1849, the New Essa Road was made by government grant. The Old Essa Road, superseded at this time, had been opened at a very early date. From Allandale, which it entered over Burton's Hill, to the ninth concession line of Innisfil, the old highway had passed through what was called the "Seven Mile Bush," there being, as late as 1849, only one settler along this dreary seven miles of road, viz., at the eleventh line. But the inhabitants of the older settled parts of the District near Cookstown had used it as their only road to the county town from an early date.
As time went on, the settlers of Essa had been constructing their roads, which were tributary to this main line of travel. Thus we find that in October, 1847, after much discussion, the District Council aided in a way that seems strange to us at the present day, the completion of a bridge over the Nottawasaga River in Essa, at lot 5. Thomas Drury and forty others had petitioned the Council that the sum of £15 (for the purpose of perfecting the approach to the bridge over the river) should be levied and collected from the inhabitants of Tosorontio and Essa, on the western side of the river, and the Council, at the time mentioned, passed a by-law to levy the tax upon the inhabitants, according to their wishes.
The District Council in 1843 established a road through Vespra from Oliver's grist mill, which became Mr. Boys' mill about this time, (now Midhurst), to the Sunnidale Road at or near the seventh line, the surveyor of the road being Miles Kenny. It was at this time also that a deviation of the Sunnidale Road itself was made for a few miles near the place where Mr. Kenny's road joined with it. This was done to avoid some hills on the Old Sunnidale Road, which thereupon ceased to be used.
The Council also established in the same year a bush road from the third lot in the north part of Vespra, toward the same mill, by the same surveyor.
The Hon. W. B. Robinson received a grant in the Legislature in 1847 to repair the Nottawasaga bridges, and he suggested that part of it should be applied in reducing or avoiding some of the bad hills on the town line between Mono and Adjala, where they were much in want of a road. By this year this town line was thickly settled, but the road was so hilly (there being 24 hills in 14 miles) that the settlers could not take out a full load. Their usual practice was to take out half a load to Mono Mills and then return home for the other half. (See Mr. Robinson's letter quoted by Wm. Gibbard in the Barrie Magnet, Aug. 20, 1847).
In Tecumseth, a deviation road was opened across concession 7, through lot 8, in 1848, Wm. Gibbard being the surveyor. This pioneer road was stopped in 1866, after it had ceased to be of use to the settlers.
The Council, in Oct., 1846, passed a by-law to establish a road in Innisfil from Painswick to the edge of the Bay at Tollendal, the surveyor being Wm. Gibbard. But there was some delay in its construction, and the same residents again petitioned, in February, 1848, for its establishment in a direct course. There was a re-survey, and the Council passed another by-law for the purpose.
A deviation of the Oro-Medonte town line had to be made in 1849 on account of hills, and the survey was made by Henry Creswicke, the District Surveyor.
The finances of the District Council being in a flourishing state, in February, 1848, after some years of practising the most rigid economy, as shown by the Treasurer's balance sheet, the Council resolved to lay out the one-penny-per-acre tax assessed on the absentee wild lands, for the improvement of roads and bridges, to be expended in the respective townships where raised. A half-penny tax had been apropriated in the same way the preceding year (1847).
The main deviation roads described in this chapter were those undertaken by the old District Council before 1850, some details of the roads in later years being reserved for another chapter. Its successor, the County Council, from 1850 onward, had its work confined to town lines and other special undertakings. From the year just mentioned, the township Councils received power to construct and keep in repair all their own internal roads, and it is not the writer's intention in this work to pursue the details into each township.
The accompanying map shows the main colonization roads existing in 1849, when the townships assumed control of all the internal roads, the end of this year being a convenient dividing line at which the state of progress of these necessary public works may be best shown.
THE COMMON ROADS AND BRIDGES OF LATER YEARS
When the Municipal Act of 1849 came into force in January, 1850, the township Councils took charge of tbe internal roads and the District Council, whose name now became the County Council, retained only the charge of the townlines. For this purpose the township councils were to receive the Wild Land tax, an arrangement which, in a slightly different form, had been adopted two or three years earlier in this county, as we saw at the close of the last chapter. This timely provision of means whereby the townships could improve their roads had probably been provided in the new Act from the example furnished by the Simcoe District. In the chapter on Land Grants we found how the Council, in 1847, had gone thoroughly into the question of wild land tax, and the thoroughgoing report of the Finance Committee, signed by Frederick Dallas, mentions particularly the improvement of the roads as the object in view for levying the tax. It was in reality a pioneer effort in the direction of a Single Tax, the movement for which has belonged to much more recent times.
The County Council having been relieved of the charge of the common roads, except the townlines, now had time to turn their attention to the construction of railways, which, soon after this time, began to be built in the county. To a certain extent the common roads then exceded into the background, in comparison with the foremost position they had occupied up to this time, giving the front place to the railways. But in the presend days of bicycles, aotomobiles and light-running buggies, the common roads have resumed in some degree the important place that was for a long time usurped by the railways, although our county legislators never lost sight of the urgent need for good leading roads.
On the coming into force of the Municipal Act of 1849, the County Council passed a by-law on Feb. 2, 1850, dealing with the subject of townline roads. For some reason they did not deem it expedient to assume any of the townlines as county roads, but in order to give proper care to such lines, they passed the by-law mentioned so as to place the superintendence of townlines under the charge and authority of the reeves of the township respectively. This by-law was amended in the following August by adding the deputy-reeves. Both of these measures (by-law and amendment) were repealed in May, 1852, and at the same time the Council passed a lengthy by-law for the annual appointment of overseers of highways who duties should be superintend, make and keep in repair, the townlines.
In this way the Council continued to appoint pathmasters for the townlines by by-law annually for nine years successively, preparing a new list of these overseers and a new by-law each year, until 1860. In October of that year the Council passed by-law No. 110, which was an important measure, handing over the immediate care of the townlines to the township municipalities themselve. It divided each townline into sections, and gave sections alternately to the townships between which the road ran. In this way the ordinary maintenance of the townlines passed out of the County Council's hands. On the consolidation of the Municipal Act of Upper Canada in 1866 (29 & 30 Vict., chapt. 51) township councils were fully authorized to open and maintain the townlines by mutual agreement with each other as to the share to be borne by each. Yet, notwithstanding their disposal of the immediate care of the townlines to the townships, the County Council has continued, from 1860 to the present time, to consider the boundary lines as their special charge, and have made grants to improve them whenever necessary. It is proposed to review, in this chapter, some of the more important special undertakings of the Council in the way of roads and bridges, from 1850 to the present day.
The West Gwillimbury Plank Road
A project of more than ordinary interest is entitled to some notice at this point of our review. The County Council, at its session in August, 1850, purchased from the Government the West Gwillimbury Turnpike Trust Road. They had in view the planking of it from Holland Landing to Bradford, and thence to Bond Head, and they passed a by-law appointing a Board of three commissioners to superintend it, and authorizing the issue of county debentures for £4,000 to plank, or otherwise improve it. The commissioners appointed were Wm. Armson (the Warden), Thos. Maconchy and John Carswell. About the year 1840 the Canadian Government had begun to grant sums of money for plank roads all over the country, and these had now become fashionable. This was the kind which the commissioners decided to build, although there was much difference of opinion at the time as to its merits as a public work. It was accordingly undertaken and completed under the auspices of Wm. Armson of West Gwillimbury (who was Warden of the county from 1847 to 1852, and who was a promoter of progressive measures throughout his whole public career), and of his colleague, Thomas Maconchy, of the same township.
The commissioners instructed Henry Creswicke, the County Surveyor, to make the necessary surveys, plans and specifications, and to superintend the entire construction of the plank road from Bradford to Holland Landing. He accordingly made a survey of it, and as the existing road from the bridge to Holland Landing was very crooked, he strongly recommended a straight one--a recommendation which they adopted. They entered into contracts for the materials, (as we learn from the council minutes of January, 1851, p. 14), the average price being £4 9s. per 1,000 feet per three-inch plank--a low price when we compare it with the prices of to-day.
The plank road was finished in October, 1851, and cost £4,782 2s. 10d. They established a toll gate south of the Holland River, called Raper's gate (No. 1) John Raper being the keeper of it, and another toll gate at Middleton (No. 2) of which William Collins was appointed keeper. There was a scheme afoot at this time for planking the road from Bradford northward through West Gwillimbury and Innisfil, and onward to Penetanguishene, but the fact of the railway being under construction or survey by this time altered the case.
The plank road soon became a paying investment for the county. The Treasurer pointed out in his report in January, 1855, when speaking of the finances of 1854, that the Council had acted with foresight and wisdom in purchasing the road from the Government. It exceeded the most sanquine expectations of its warmest advocates. In June, 1855, the commissioners had moved the toll gates to or near Bradford, the one from Middleton to the bend of the road leading to the Bradford Station.
But the financial prosperity of the enterprise did not last long. In October, 1857, we find the road began to need repairs, £132 1s. being spent in this way, and the following January the County Council passed a by-law to appoint commissioners for the road, although there was much growing difference of opinion as to what course should be pursued. For the year 1857, not only was there nothing paid into the Treasury on account of it, but the Treasurer had to pay £250 for repairs, and £34 for compensation to persons who had sustained damage by the road.
In June, 1858, a by-law repealing the one establishing the Plank Road passed two readings and disappeared, but at the next session, in October, a by-law was put through, with much contention, repealing it. The County Surveyor was authorized to remove all the plank and dispose of it in such quantities as he might think proper, and to have the holes levelled. Thus came to an end this important undertaking, which had lasted for seven years, and for a short time had been a great boon.
As the jurisdiction of the County Council in regard to roads after 1850 extended only to townlines, they were in a position to assist the most necessary roads of this class. In June, 1855, the Council granted £1,000 for the improvement of the townline running westward from Gilford, and £1,000 for the Penetanguishene Road northward from Kempenfeldt Bay, and they raised the sums by debentures for £2,000. The by-law itself required the raising of £1,150 for each road, as the debentures in those days were sold below par. It was essential to have good leading roads to the newly built railway in addition to the Plank Road to Bond Head, and these two roads were deemed to be most necessary. But at a special meeting in August, these grants were withheld until the advice of the County Surveyor could be obtained. His report came in due course, and was laid before them at the October session. Subsequently, they voted £826 for the Gilford Road, and £600 for the Penetanguishene Road in addition to their former grants. The new by-law of October, 1855, had granted £1,000 to the Gilford Road, and £800 to the Penetanguishene Road. But the debentures for £1,800 had yielded only £1,504 3s. 4d., net, after brokerage and counsel fee.
The large grants for these two roads in October, 1855, fell short of completing them, owing to the increase in the price of labor. Accordingly, in June 1857, the Council granted £960 for the Gilford Line and £900 for the Penetanguishene Road, passing a by-law to raise the sums by debentures extending over a term of ten years.
Among the earliest grants made by the County Council for roads was one in October, 1851, for &$163;30 for improving the road leading from Creemore Mills in Nottawasaga to Essa and Barrie. Although the sum was not large, according to our present standards, the Council had to raise it by debentures, so poor were they in ready cash.
The Lake Shore Road from Collingwood to Owen Sound (or, at least, to Meaford) received its first coat of gravel in 1860. The first rough road had been hewn out in 1855, when the railway began to run to Collingwood, or perhaps a year or two before this time. At the beginning, it ran at least as far as Thornbury, the town site of which had been surveyed in 1852.
A deviation of the townline between Tosorontio and Mulmur became necessary to avoid certain hills, and a by-law was passed by the Council in November, 1866, to establish a road surveyed here by Edward Segar, P.L.S., deviating into lots 8 and 9, Mulmur, at the Alliston Creek, (or Boyne River).
In January, 1867, the Muskoka Colonization Road from Washago to Gravenhurst having fallen into an extremely bad state of repair, the Council memorialized the Government to grant a sum to repair it.
The townline of Tecumseth and West Gwillimbury, south of Cookstown, opposite concession 14, was not at first on the original road allowance. The Council, in October, 1865, recommended West Gwillimbury to open it in the proper place, as it was in that township's portion of the townline. But it appears the township did not comply with the suggestion, and this became a subject of agitation for two or three years. Finally, in June, 1868, the Council granted $100 to assist in opening and improving this difficult piece of road, and the work was done.
A local difficulty in road-building which Essa had to contend with was the canyon of the Nottawasaga River. To avoid certain hills and ravines near the Nottawasaga River, Essa had established a road between lots 19 and 20 in the 5th concession, and partly on lot 20, and also on lots 20 and 21 in the 6th concession. The County Council, in Oct., 1869, passed a by-law to confirm the Essa by-law. Again, in 1889, Essa Township passed by-laws for similar purposes, viz., No. 187, to make divergences from the original allowances between lots 25 and 26, con. 4, and No. 192, to avoid the river and certain hills, ravines and obstacles on the original allowance between concessions 5 and 6, opposite lot 6. The County Council confirmed these two by-laws in November, 1889.
Maurice Gaviller, P.L.S., made a survey for a deviation of the townline between Essa and Sunnidale at the Mad River, in 1884. By the plan of deviation of the townline at this place, viz., opposite lot 18, con. 1, Sunnidale, and lot 32, con. 1, Essa, a considerable saving to the County was effected, because the erection of a large and expensive bridge could be dispensed with.
One of the last townlines to be opened up was that between Vespra, Essa and Innisfil, through the flat lands. There had been some question at first as to the correct position of the line, two surveys having been in existence, but after arriving at some settlement of the question, the County Council granted $200 toward the opening of it, in June, 1887, and the adjoining townships also contributed their shares.
As the demands for grants to roads and bridges continued to grow, the County Council, in order to reduce the subject to a general rule, passed by-law No. 306, in June 1878, by which all their grants should be supplemented from the local municipalities by an equal amount. For a number of years the grants were expended in accordance with this by-law, which gave place in its turn to the County Roads system.
Notwithstanding the placing of the burden on the townships themselves to build all their own internal roads in 1850 and onward, for which they had received the wild land tax, there was no source of expenditure with which the County Council had to deal and in which they felt their inability to cope with the requirements of the settlers, so much as the remaining roads. The Council felt itself so poor after aiding the Northern Railway by taking £50,000 stock, that but few grants were made to build roads, for a long time. In his address to the Council, October, 1856, the Warden, James Sanson, suggested the raising of £25,000 by loan for gravelling roads in the county, but the suggestion was not acted upon.
The Northern Railway stock, which the Council subscribed in 1850 to be paid in twenty years, had scarcely been paid off (in 1872) when the greater portion of the County were called upon to bonus the Hamilton Railway (in 1873) to the extent of $300,000. This kept the burden of taxation renewed for twenty years longer, making altogether a period of more than forty years during which the County was burdened for the benefit of railway building. In the meantime, however, the county grew faster than the burden, and with the growing means of bearing taxes, greater sums were granted to roads and bridges. In Jne, 1877, we find, for instance, that $3,800 was appropriated for the roads of that year, and within a few years after this it rose to $5,000 annually.
In November, 1879, the Simcoe County Council asked the Lieutenant-Governor in Council for aid out of the surplus funds of the Province to open up and repair roads and bridges in the county. But the Ontario Government was slow to take the hint to parts with its surplus, and it was not until nearly twenty years after the suggestion from this quarter that the surplus was actually devoted to the roads of the Province. When it did come, the Council formulated the County Roads System of to-day, which will be mentioned in the next paragraph.
The Ontario Government having offered to supplement county grants for good roads, to an amount equal to the grants made by the counties themselves, the Simcoe County Commissioners in June, 1902, passed a by-law to accept the Government's offer, and the ratepayers of the county ratified it at the elections in the following January. It was duly inaugurated April 1, 1903, as the County Roads System. The Government's offer was adopted and County Roads established by only two other counties in the Province before Simcoe took it up. Extensive improvements have been carried out under this system, which it is not our intention to review, as it is so recent.
The Bridges at the Narrows
The circumstances attending the erection of the first bridge at the Narrows having been mentioned in the last chapter, the subsequent history of the highway will naturally come within the scope of the present one. The first to be built across the channel between the two lakes was a swing bridge, and as we saw, it was erected under the Board of Works. If the main road from the Narrows to Whitby had been completely opened at the outset, it must have been in an imperfect condition, as we find that a public meeting was held at Windsor (Township of Whitby), on May 10, 1845, to consider the subject of constructing a Plank or Railroad, or both, from Windsor Harbor, in Whitby, to Gloucester Bay, on Georgian Bay, by way of the Narrows. The resolutions adopted at this meeting were printed in a pamphlet, and in this it is stated that the distance was 75 miles from Windsor Harbor to Coldwater or Matchedash Bay, and five miles more to Sturgeon Bay.
The state of the bridge not being the best, in 1853, a question arose as to which municipal body should undertake repairs. In 13 and 14 Vic., chap. 15, 16, 17, it was provided that all such works abandoned by Government by proclamation should be under the Municipal authorities' control. It does not appear that the Government had formally abandoned this work, yet having turned over all roads and bridges to the township and county councils by the Municipal Act of 1849, it was beyond its jurisdiction to repair them. The Orillia Council contended that the County Council was in duty bound to maintain the construction, while the County Council asserted the contrary. On this question, in June, 1855, John H. Hagarty, Barrister-at-law, gave his opinion to the Orillia Council to the effect that the County Council and not the Orillia Council should maintain and keep in repair the Narrows Bridge. For some reason, the County Council would not assume any of the Public Works until abandoned by Proclamation of the Government to the County. While this dispute was going on, the bridge was urgently in need of repairs. Notwithstanding the fact that the County Council declined to assume the Narrows Bridge as a County viaduct, they granted, in January, 1854, the sum of £15 in aid of the repairs so urgently needed to the bridge and the road; while, again, in June, 1855, they granted £20 toward repairing it, and £10 toward the keeper's salary. It was not until May 1, 1859, that the Government, by Proclamation, transferred the bridge from the control of the Board of Works, to that of the counties of Ontario and Simcoe, and the Simcoe County Council, at its session in June, assumed their share of the maintenance by passing a By-law.
In 1856, in consequence of the decay of the northeast pier of the bridge, the swing became damaged so much that it would not work, and communication between the two sides of the water was cut off. A scow capable of transporting a team of horses and their load was speedily built and was for sometime in operation. At the same time, a Government steam dredge was employed in deepening the channel. Again, in January, 1859, the bridge was replanked, $200 being granted out of the funds of this county as its share.
In March, 1860, (which was soon after the formal transfer of the bridge to the two counties), the county Surveyors of Simcoe and Ontario met at the bridge with a view to make repairs. The expense of its maintenance and repairs was a considerable item to the municipal bodies of those days, and so the advisability of establishing a toll for crossing it was under discussion for some years about this time. The report of Henry Creswicke, the County Surveyor, on the state of the bridge (laid before the Council at its June session, 1860), gave the probable cost as $1,640 to put the bridge in a proper state of repair. Of this sum, Ontario County granted half, and Simcoe County the other half, while each county appointed two commissioners to expend the amount. By October, the commissioners had let the contracts for the removal of the old bridge, and the erection of a new one, the whole cost to be under $1,200 or $440 less than at first estimated. By October, 1861, (a year later), the new bridge was progressing and would be completed the same fall.
In June, 1865, John McKay, who had been keeper of the Narrows Bridge resigned after several years' service, and the same year Collingwood Harris was appointed keeper, and remained in the position for twenty years, (until 1885). Extensive repairs, amounting to $425, were again made on the bridge during the winter of 1867-8, one-half being paid by each county.
Another new bridge at the Narrows was completed in January, 1874, with the approaches. It was a substantial and well finished bridge, and was built at a cost to Simcoe County alone of over $3,000.
The Town of Orillia have expended about $1,200 on the road leading to the Narrows Bridge, prior to June, 1878, the County Council was then asked for a grant of $100 to assist in completing the road, and it granted that sum for the purpose.
In June, 1883, the County Council appointed a committee of three to act with a committee appointed by the County of Ontario in reference to rebuilding and repairing the swing of the bridge. James Quinn, Reeve of Orillia, was appointed in January, 1884, to continue the work in conjunction with the commissioners of Ontario County in the interest of Simcoe County.
It is recorded for November, 1885, that Elizabeth Harris and F. Gaudaur applied for the position of caretaker of the bridge, and the Council appointed Elizabeth Harris. The swing part of the bridge was replanked in 1886 with three-inch pine planks. A gate was also erected on the stationary part, as a result of two young men driving over the bridge in a furious manner straight into the water when the swing was open, drowning the horse and nearly losing their lives.
A swing bridge wears out more rapidly than a stationary one, and it does not surprise us to find another renewal of the bridge necessary by June, 1887. J. B. Thompson, Reeve of Orillia, as Commissioner for Simcoe County resepecting the bridge, reported at that session that after consultation with the commissioners for Ontario County, they decided that each county should appoint an engineer to examine and make some recommendation with regard to the bridge. Mr. Thompson, from his own personal knowledge, was aware that the timbers composing the swing were very much decayed. At this session he was appointed commissioner on behalf of Simcoe County, to act in conjunction with the commissioner of Ontario County to have the bridge put in repair and made safe, in accordance with the report of A. G. Robinson, C.E.
In his report submitted in November, 1887, A. G. Robinson, C.E., strongly recommended that the swing should be built of iron. J. B. Thompson and Archibald Thomson were appointed commissioners to act with the commissioners of Ontario County and find the probable cost of such a structure and report in January, 1888. In the meantime, repairs to the extent of $614 for cedar were made up to this time on the approaches. A. G. Robinson, C.E., had, according to the instructions of June, made a thorough inspection of the bridge and condemned the whole structure. The approaches to the "swing," with new cedar planking (now partly laid) would last for several years. But the swing part was bad, and the engineer believed it would be much cheaper and more economical in the long run to build an iron bridge. The council decided to build the swing of iron providing that it did not cost more than a third more than a wooden structure, and it was accordingly built; and when the County Council met in Orillia in June, 1888, they made an excursion by Str. Orillia to see the new iron swing bridge at the Narrows. It was now complete, and was considered creditable to the two counties interested. The commissioner for Simcoe County (J. B. Thompson) was given credit for the businesslike manner in which he had carried the work to completion. The accounts to be paid by this county at this session, for the bridge, amounted to $1,349.78. This one has lasted down to the present time, although considerable sums have been expended from time to time, especially on the approaches. In June, 1890, the council appointed Thomas M. Harris, caretaker of the bridge. In the same month the council also granted $300 for the repair of the Atherly Road, the Town of Orillia having expended the further sum of $700 on it.
In the adjustment of the question of erecting, maintaining and keeping in repair the bridge over the Holland River, at Bradford, the settlement between the counties of Simcoe and York does not appear to have been accomplished without some little friction between them. The Simcoe County Council passed a By-law to assume it as a county structure, but according to the printed proceedings (October, 1860, p. 49) the united counties of York and Peel were not inclined to pass any By-law respecting the bridge. So the Simcoe County Council had recourse under the provision in the Act, to appointing an arbitrator, viz., Thos. R. Ferguson, M.P.P., to settle the matter in dispute. The two county councils, however, appear to have reached an amicable settlement before long, or at least an understanding.
Mr. Durham, a mill owner at Bradford, cut the bridge in two pieces in order to run his saw-logs through, in the spring of 1862. This step created some excitement, and gave umbrage to the councils of the day, but as it was a navigable stream, they could do but little in the way of insisting on a reparation of the damage done to the bridge, and the circumstance renewed the question of erecting a new bridge. Some repairs, however, were all that they accomplished at this time.
It was not until January, 1871, that the County Council authorized a new bridge, at a cost not exceeding $1,500, if the County of York agreed to the measure. By January, 1872, the contract had been let and the bridge was then in course of erection, to be completed by April, 1. It was completed about the time appointed, the contractor being Thos. Maconchy, of Gilford, and his foreman, Mr. Mourne.
This bridge, which had a length of 420 feet, was covered with a six inch cedar floor in 1886, at a cost of $816, or $408 paid by each county. The erection of a new steel bridge was undertaken in 1908, the total cost of which is about $16,000, each county contributing its share.
Bridges at the mouth of the Nottawasaga
The first bridge here dates from June, 1872, when $400 was granted for one by the County Council. It was sometimes called the Van Vlack Bridge from the name of the storekeeper and postmaster at the place. The adjoining townships as was ususal in those days made grants to aid the work. In January, 1879, Richard W. Councer, of Collingwood, asked the council to raise one span of the bridge so as to enable tugs to pass under it, and the council granted his request, setting apart $75 for the purpose.
Certain ratepayers in November, 1884, petitioned the County Council for the removal of the bridge from the mouth of the river to the townline of Flos and Sunnidale, but another petition came from certain other ratepayers against the removal. The council granted $200 to replank the bridge at this time, and it was allowed to remain where it was. Again, in January, 1885, the council granted $200 to put in a proper repair under the superintendence of the deputy-reeves of Flos and Sunnidale.
Further tinkering at it began again in November, 1887, when the deputy-reeve of Flos was requested to examine the bridge, and if he found it dangerous, to get it repaired, the cost not to exceed $25. In January, 1888, it was reported to be in a very dangerous condition, so the Warden, Mr. Switzer, and R. Graham, were appointed to act as commissioners to get it put in thorough repair. To build one pier at the bridge, the council granted $200 in November, 1889.
Finally, in January, 1908, the erection of a new one was proposed. The site selected was a short way further up the river, on the Flos and Sunnidale townline. An engineer was employed to prepare plans and make estimates. These plans were prepared during the summer, and at the November session the contracts were let for the erection of a steel bridge with concrete abutments, and with central cement pier, the whole cost to be about $15,000.
The Sunnidale Council, on November 6, 1886, passed a By-law (No. 192) to establish "Milnes Road" across the south end of lot No. 9, con. 14, Sunnidale. It was described by plan and notes of survey by W. H. Selby, P.L.S., and the County Council confirmed the road in January, 1887. With this beginning, the Sunnidale Council undertook the erection of a new bridge on the side road at this place, and to assist in building it, the County Council, in June, 1889, granted $250. A further grant of $150 was added in November of the same year, making a total of $400, the Township of Sunnidale granting a like sum of $400 for its erection.
The representatives of Sunnidale and Flos, in June 1886, asked for a sum to repair the town line between the two townships and also for a grant sufficient to build a bridge over the Nottawasaga River on the town line, but the County Council granted only $50 to improve the town line. The application was renewed in the following November, in the shape of a petition from Walter Little, and 178 others, asking for a bridge across the river near the town line road allowance, but the application was laid over until the January session, when $500 was granted to complete the bridge in accordance with the plans submitted at the time of making the application. Again, in June, 1887, an additional grant of $100 was made by the County Council to complete the bridge, which came to be known by the name of the nearest settler, as in so many other cases.
The question of the maintenance of this bridge came up in 1907, and litigation arose between the Township of Flos and the County, in 1908. In November of that year, renewals of parts of the bridge were needed. The council thereupon undertook the erection of a new wooden top for the bridge, the piling of the old bridge being in a good state of repair. The contract was finally let in January, 1909, for a bridge of Georgia pine, with a covering of cedar, the cost to be $1,675.
The Council in November, 1866, granted $400 to aid in the erection of a bridge across the Nottawasaga River of the fourth line of Flos. This bridge or its successor was burned during the great bush fires of August and September, 1881, and a new one built in its place.
In January, 1874, the County Council made a grant of $500 to build a bridge across the Nottawasaga at Edenvale, on the town line between Flos and Vespra. The grant was made on condition that the adjacent municipalities would make grants and carry out the work under the superintendence of their own reeves. It was replanked in the summer of 1887, $50 being granted in June toward that work.
In 1906, the County Council undertook the erection of a new structure at this place. While nearly all the other large bridges built in this county in recent years have been steel bridges, the one undertaken here was the first large cement arch bridge erected by the county. The contract was let in 1906, and it continued through 1907, being completed in 1908, at a cost of $21,000. Some delay and extra cost arose from the sinkage of one of the piers. During its construction a floating bridge was maintained for the convenience of the travelling public at the place.
The Council granted $400 in June, 1876, to assist in the erection of a bridge over the Nottawasaga River on the town line between Sunnidale and Vespra, which has been known as the McKinnin Bridge from the name of the settler near it.
In January, 1885, repairs were wanted and the Council granted $200 to assist in making them. Again in November, 1888, the bridge was covered anew, the Council's grant for which was $75.
By far the greater number of bridges of the county, and the larger part of the expenditure for them, have been in connection with the Nottawasaga River and its branches, but only a few of the more important grants can be specified in these pages. The bridge over the Nottawasaga on the Old Sunnidale Road, near the town line between Essa and Sunnidale, was reported in June, 1861, to be in a dilapidated and unsafe condition. The original log bridge at this place had been erected, as far as can be ascertained, in 1833, and it was perhaps the first bridge over the Nottawasaga at any part of its lower course.
The unusually severe spring freshets in 1862, swept away several bridges, including this one near Angus. Another at Nicolston was destroyed at the same time, both crossing the Nottawasaga River. The County Council in June, 1862, granted $800 each to replace these. It also gave $200 for the Willow Creek Bridge on the Penetanguishene Road, and a similar amount to a fourth bridge on the town line of Essa and Innisfil. From the October reports, we learn that for the four bridges which had been destroyed in the spring, and for which $2,000 had been granted in June, the contracts were let and the work progressing.
In June, 1875, another bridge over the Nottawasaga River at Nicolston was under construction. The contract had been let for $1,400, part of which was borne by the adjoining townships, and part by the county.
To assist in building a new bridge over the Nottawasaga River within the Township of Essa, $200 was granted by the County Council in June, 1889.
At an early date a rough bridge was built over the south branch of the Nottawasaga River on the town line between Mono and Adjala, in lot 14 of the latter. The Village of Hockley nearby has given to it the name by which it has been most commonly known. In June, 1868, the County Council granted $100 to rebuild this bridge, the adjoining municipalities also contributing aid. In June, 1873, it was reported to be over 300 feet long, (this measurement would include the approaches) and so unsafe that the County Surveyor was instructed to inspect it. According to the Surveyor's figures, it was a 170 feet long and unsafe, so the Coucil granted $200 toward rebuilding or repairing it. The grant was made on condition that the adjacent municipalities would make grants and carry out the work under the superintendence of their own reeves. In June, 1887, the Council granted $150 toward the renewal of this bridge.
Various minor grants for repairs and renewals were made from time to time, until in January, 1908, a new steel bridge was undertaken for this place. The Council appointed two commissioners to act with a committee from Dufferin County and make a report at the June session. The new structure was built in 1908, of which the whole cost was about $2,550, Simcoe County's share being one-half of the total.
In the month of June, 1876, a freshet took away the bridge over Mad River near Glencairn, on the deviation road for the town line of Tosorontio and Sunnidale, and a flood at the same time also did considerable damage to the town line road between Nottawasaga and Mulmur near Lavender.
The Council made grants in 1882 and 1883 amounting to $250 to build a bridge over the Mad River near Glencairn, on the deviation line between Tosorontio and Sunnidale. This was supplemented by a further grant of $55 at the session of June, 1886, to complete payment of the bridge.
To build a further bridge on the same deviation road ovre the Mad River, $250 was granted in June, 1887.
The County Council in October, 1877, granted $1,000 to erect a bridge near Alliston on the town line between Essa and Tosorontio across the Nottawasaga River branch known as the Boyne River. In June, 1889, it again voted $150 to the renewal of the bridge, and $55 in November of the same year to complete it.
To construct a bridge on the town line of Tecumseth and Adjala at lot No. 19 at the latter, across the branch known as Bailey's Creek, the Council granted $75 in June, 1887, the adjoining townships granting the amounts necessary for its completion.
In January, 1875, the Council granted $300 to assist in building a bridge of the River Wye near the "Old Fort" in Tay Township. A Swing Bridge had to be built in consequence of the deepening, by the Provincial authorities, of the mouth of the River Wye, which at the bridge was 300 feet wide, and which had been made navigable to Mud Lake by the artificial deepening. As a caretaker had to be appointed for the Swing Bridge, the County Council, at the January session, 1878, sent a memorial to the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council asking him to grant Provincial aid to maintain the bridge, under the circumstances.
As swing bridges wear out much sooner than stationary ones, the Council, in June, 1887, granted $300 to rebuild the bridge, which had become dilapidated. On this occasion, the bridge built was not a swing bridge.
Various structures from the first opening of the Penetanguishene Road in 1814-15 down to 1862 had been thrown over the Wye River at this place, to which they had given the name. But the County Council in October, 1862, granted $200 to rebuild the bridge over the Wye in a much more substantial manner than had hitherto been the case. It was repaired at various times from that date downward, until in June, 1887, they granted $100 to build another new bridge, for which additional new repairs were required in June, 1889, and received a grant of $50, with a further grant of $150 in June, 1890.
In September, 1875, the County Council granted $400 to aid the erection of a bridge over the North River on the town line between Tay and Matchedash, in addition to $200 they had previously granted. A swing bridge was erected, and a caretaker appointed in due course of time. But before many years had elapsed, the Councillors took occasion to observe in their proceedings (January, 1883, p. 17) that the work to be done by the caretaker of this bridge was comparatively light. It consists in opening a swing which is chiefly used in letting down loads of marsh hay in July and August, besides occasional loads of lumber and shingles during open water, and the councillors thought this bridge could be raised and made a fixed bridge at a cost of $400 ur $500, thereby saving a caretaker's salary.
A year later (January, 1884), when the Council passed a By-law appointing Samuel Abbott caretaker of the bridge, the committee on bridges again urged upon the Council the wisdom of raising the swing bridge to such a height as would allow steam tugs and flats (scows, flat boats, etc.), laden with hay to pass under it, thus doing away with the cost of a caretaker. The committee employed A. G. Robinson, C.E., of Orillia, to prepare plans and specifications for raising and otherwise improving the swing bridge, with a view to estimate the cost of changing it from a swing to a fixed bridge of a sufficient height to permit the steam tugs and hay barges to pass under it. By the month of June he had estimated the cost of the fixed bridge to be $1,295.37, and in view of the fact that the existing bridge would, with ordinary repairs, last four or five years more, he expressed the opinion that it would be injudicious to disturb it at that time. No immediate steps were taken at the time to change it, but the plans and specifications were carefully filed away for future use.
The reeves of the two municipalities adjoining the bridge were appointed commissioners in June, 1887, to examine it and have the bridge put in a proper state of repair. They examined it and found the swing could not be opened, and the whole structure so badly decayed that it rquired to be rebuilt. They had a new platform built under the swing (cost, $36) which could be utilized in the construction of a new bridge. They recommended at the November session that it be built during the ensuing winter, as the cost would be less than in summer. Action was deferred, however, and in January, 1888, it was reported that repairs had been put on it for the past three years, but that it had got so rotten that it was impossible to patch it up any longer. Reeves Lawson and Burrows were authorized to get it put in proper repair. A new covering was placed on it in 1889.
The County Council, in March, 1903, erected a new steel bridge at this place. As in other cases of erecting steel bridges, the heavy grade of metal was used, so that the covering could at any time be made of cement if deemed advisable.
Successive Erections at Severn Bridge
The first bridge across the Severn River was built by the Government in 1856-57 on the Colinization Road leading into the Muskoka District, and it became at once an important connecting link. Bu June, 1868, it needed repairs, and the County Council sent a "memorial" to the Government asking them to repair it, which was done shortly afterward. In June, 1883, the old bridge being in a very critical and dangerous condition, the County Council sent another "memorial" to the Government asking them to rebuild it. Soon afterward, A. G. Robinson, C.E., or Orillia, made preliminary measurements and examined the old bridge; he also drew plans, specifications, etc., and estimated the cost of rebuilding it.
In the meantime, the committee having the matter in charge, had seen the Commissioner of Public Works, in consequence of which the old bridge was inspected by the Superintendent of Colonization Roads, and some temporary repairs made and paid for by the Department. By November, 1883, the committee was able to report that the commissioner offers to pay half the costs of a new bridge if the work be done under the Department. The council accepted this offer, and the work was commenced soon afterward and completed in 1884. The county records show a payment on February 17th, 1885, of the sum of $1,500 to the Government, as this county's share of the cost of the bridge.
In 1896 the contract was let for a new steel bridge at this place. This was the first large steel bridge undertaken by the county, and it was a costly attempt, there being three spans to bridge, besides constructing the piers. The total cost was about $7,000, of which the Ontario Government paid only $1,500, and the balance was paid by the county. Heavy steel was used, to admit of being covered with cement at a later time if necessary.
In January, 1874, the County Council granted $500 for the erection of a bridge across the Severn River where the town line between Rama and Morrison comes to the river, near Washago. The river being the county line bweeen Ontario and Simcoe, that grant was made on condition that Ontario County shoul grant a like sum. In October of the same year, Ontario County was urged to take joint action for the construction of the bridge, and at a later date the preliminary arrangements were completed.
The bridge was reported in June, 1889, to be in a rottend and dangerous condition, and must be rebuilt. The reeve and deputy-reeve of the Orillia Township were appointed commissioners in behalf of Simcoe County to act in conjunction witht the reeves of Rama and Morrison, representing Ontario County, to employ A. G. Robinson, C.E., to complete the plans and specifications, and to take tenders for the construction. The contract was let to W. P. Christie, and the bridge was rebuilt the same season at a cost of $1,300, this cost being divided between the counties Ontario and Simcoe, and Muskoka District.
Finally in 1903, a new steel bridge was erected here, Simcoe's share of the cost being about $3,000. As in the case of all the other steel bridges built in recent years, heavy steel was used, so that the bridge may be covered at any time with a cement covering if it should be deemed advisable.
To rebuild three bridges on the road between North Orillia and Morrison, the County Council granted $150 in November, 1887, the bridges having all been burned down by the late fires of the summer.
The County Council, in January, 1881, granted $600 to aid in building a bridge across the Severn at Sparrow Lake, and plans were prepared by Engineer Armstrong. In the minutes of the following June, (p. 25), we find that the $600 granted in January was applied to build a pontoon bridge over the river at this locality to for the accomodation of the public.
Again, in 1882, the proposed bridge received grants from the County Council ($400 in January, and $100 in November). The site chosen was near the old bridge site, viz., at or near the 3rd and 4th concession line of Morrison, and opposite lot 18, North Orillia, although there was some difference of opinion as to where it should be placed. By November, 1883, the new bridge had been completed; it was somtimes known as Bennett's Bridge. And in January, 1884, the County Council passed a By-law appointing H. H. Bennett caretaker of the new construction.
In June, 1886, Christie, Kerr & Co. made a proposition to the County to raise the bridge from five to ten feet higher for greater convenience in lumbering and navigation. The Council accepted their offer and granted $250 for the work, which was completed in July of that year. Again, in 1893, the bridge being in a dangerous condition, according to the caretaker, a portion of it was rebuilt at a cost of $264.
A new steel bridge was erected here in 1904-5 at a cost of about $6,800, of which the Ontario Government paid one-half, and Simcoe County the other.
THE OLD STAGE LINES, BEFORE THE RAILWAY DAYS
Closely connected with the early roads is the subject of the stage lines, so necessary for public travel before the railways came.
The most conspicuous figure of the early stage travel between Toronto and the Lake Simcoe region, was unquestionably Mr. Charles Thompson, of Summer Hill. With his name is associated almost everything mentionable in the annals of stage transportation and postal service of Yonge Street and the Lake Simcoe waterway, between the years 1830 and 1850. Referring to his residence at Summer Hill, on Yonge Street, near Toronto, Dr. Scadding speaks (in Toronto of Old, p. 424) in the following terms:-
The early stage line on Yonge Street operated by Mr. Thompson is thus described in Walton's Directory for 1833-4:-
Between York and the Holland Landing, Lake Simcoe
An amusing passage in Thompson's Reminiscences describes a journey by stage down Yonge Street in 1834. On that occasion he was making his first business visit to Toronto from his home in the forests of Sunnidale township. Having reached Yonge Street on foot, after much difficulty, he continued the rest of the way by stage:
The steamboat Colborne was built by the half-pay officers of the Oro shore in 1831, launched in 1832, and sold next year to Charles Thompson, who ran it in connection with his Yonge Street stage line. When the steamboat Beaver was built in 1844, it was jointly owned by Mr. Thompson and Capt. Laughton, and it likewise ran in connection with the stage line. W.H. Smith's Canadian Gazatteer for 1846 furnishes us with the information relating to the connection maintained between these two modes of travel:
People's Line Between Toronto, Holland Landing, Bradford, Barrie, Orillia, Penetanguishene, Owen Sound, Manitoulin, Wallace Mine, St. Joseph, Bruce Mine, and Sault Ste. Marie Toronto, Holland Landing and Bradford The Royal Mail steamer Beaver will leave Barrie for Bradford every morning at five o'clock, (Sundays excepted), arriving at 2 o'clock p.m. On Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays, via Oro and Orillia; on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays, via Mara, Thorah and Georgina, weather permitting. Returning, the steamer Beaver will leave the Bradford landing for Barrie at three o'clock every afternoon, after the arrival of the Toronto stage.
A prominent feature of the days of stage travel was the multitude of taverns along the leading roads. Yonge Street was thickly studded with them from the very first period of its settlement, no less than 63 being in existence between Toronto and Barrie at one time. At a later date, the Penetanguishene Road, all the way to Georgian Bay, was thickly set. At one time, for instance, the road from Barrie to Penetanguishene, a distance of thirty-five miles, is said to have contained no less than thirty-seven wayside taverns. But with the construction of the railway, the day of wayside taverns along Yonge Street faded in a rapid manner. They, however, did not expire without a struggle, for we find that the horde of small tavern keepers, aided by the carters who supposed that their business would be ruined by the railway, obstructed the building of it, tooth and nail.
Another conspicuous figure of the early stage travel was Thos. McCausland. At first he carried the mails to Barrie on horseback, beginning about the year 1837, and afterward ran a mail stage for the convenience of travellers. In connection with the travel between Barrie and Holland Landing it would appear from the following advertisement of his, reproduced from the Barrie Magnet of October 1, 1847, that he ran the stage prior to that date:-
The following advertisement of a later date is taken from the Barrie Herald:
February 4, 1852.
On the completion of the railway to the head of Kempenfeldt Bay, at Allandale, in October, 1853, the stage travel underwent important changes. From the year 1837 up to this time Thomas McCausland had faithfully discharged the duties of mail carrier. During the years before the completion of the railroad he had performed the laborious duty day and night between Barrie and Holland Landing, and between Barrie, Coldwater and Orillia. After giving up the Barrie and Orillia route into other hands, his work was confined to carrying the mail from the station (at Allandale, then) over to the town, as the work had told severely on his physical constitution, and he was unable to do anything of a more important kind for the maintenance of himself and family. This being his occupation in 1862, the County Council in October of that year sent a "memorial" to the Governor-in-Council to grant him a pension. Up to July, 1864, the Government had taken no action in the matter, so the County Council again petitioned the Governor-in-Council for a pension to him. But the county records do not show whether the petition was granted in his behalf.
No regular line of stages between Barrie and Penetanguishene appears to have existed until about 1847. The first issue of the Barrie Magnet, (August 6, 1847), contains a notice of the establishment of a new line between these points, by J. Morrison, who kept a tavern at Craighurst, then known as "Morrison's Corners."
The announcement itself is here reproduced, and may have an interest for our modern readers:
New Line of Stages Between Barrie and Penetanguishene
Morrison's line, however, does not appear to have existed for any length of time, for in July, 1850, another stage line was commenced by a joint stock company, a report of whose inaugural meeting is herewith given:
Moved by Mr. Sheriff Smith, seconded by Mr. James Morrison, That it is essential that a line of stages be established between Barrie and Penetanguishene, thereby connection Lakes Huron and Simcoe by a convenient and easy route.
Moved by Dr. Pass, seconded by Mr. Edward Marks, That the shares in the Barrie and Penetanguishene Stage Line be £5 each, payable as follows: 25 per cent. when called on, and 25 per cent. every three months thereafter, until the whole be paid up; none to be called for until a sufficient number of shares be taken.
Moved by Mr. Burnett, seconded by Mr. Mann, That B.W. Smith, G. Lount, E.A. Walker, A. Pass, J. Strathy, W. Simpson, W.B. Hamilton, Esqs., Messrs. E. Marks, F. O'Brien, T. Meldrum, J. Wiggins, J. Jeffery, J. Morrison, Leon Caisse, Capt. Laughton, T. McConkey, P. Cleland, and R. Ross, be a committee to open books and take stock, and make all arrangements necessary thereto, in connection with the proposed line.
Moved by J. Strathy, Esq., seconded by Mr. R. Ross, That 100 copies of the foregoing resolutions be printed for the information of the public.
Thanks having been given to the chairman, the meeting separated.
John Harvie had the early stage line from Barrie to Orillia, the road travelled being the Penetanguishene Road by White's Corners, (now Dalston). He succeeded Thomas McCausland on this route, and supplied better means of travelling than the earlier worker on the road. He was one of the seven brothers (Harvie) of South Orillia, who are so well known in the pioneers annals of that township.
After the construction of the railway to Orillia, in summers the steamers Cariella and Ida Burton ran to Washago in connection with the trains at Orillia. From Washago, Harvie & Millard (John Harvie and James Millard) had a line of stages from Washago for Gravenhurst. Their headquarters were in Orillia near the steamboat landing, and it was from here that their stages started for the north in winter time.
THE EARLY POSTAL SERVICE
Standing in an intimate relation with the subjects of the pioneer roads and the early stage lines just reviewed is that of the early postal service, for which the establishment of regular stage lines chiefly came about.
From the original documents relating to the early post offices of Simcoe County, we are able to give the accompanying list of post offices established prior 1837, the date of their commission by Government, and the first postmasters in each.
A mail was despatched from Toronto by stage to Holland Landing three times a week, on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays; while on Wednesdays of each week the same stage carried mails for the five or six more remote offices in the northern wilderness. This once-a-week mail was then carried from Holland Landing to the other offices, on horseback, sonetimes on foot, and at other times by stage, according to the season of the year and the state of the roads. But the more usual way of transporting these mails was on horseback. This state of affairs continued until as late as the Rebellion of 1837, after which the public roads became more passable.
The rate of postage from Toronto to Holland Landing was four-and-a-half pence; to Barrie, the same; while to the remaining offices it amounted to seven pence. It will thus be seen that the postal accommodation of those early days was of the most meagre sort- far behind the standard of modern requirements.
It is said that previous to Mr. Sanford's appointment, the Condlin Brothers had kept a post office in their early store, but it was doubtless an accommodation rather than a regular mail office.
On Wednesday, October 8th, 1884, the memorial stone of the new post office in Barrie was laid, and in it was deposited, besides the usual documents and papers of such an occasion, a record of the early history of Barrie, written by his Honour Judge Boys. This record contained, besides a general sketch of the town's history, an interesting account of the rise and progress of Barrie post office, which will be read with interest in this connection:
The origin of the Orillia post office was equally romantic. About 1832, and during the following years, Mr. Moffatt, one of the Indian teachers there kept the original "post office." According to one account, the postal contents of the office "were stowed in a little birch bark basket of Indian workmanship, kept in a little cupboard. The 'postmaster' would take it to a log in front of his house, and on this he would sit and chat with the applicant while thumbing over the basket's contents. Mail matter (what little there was) then came directed "The Narrows, Lake Simcoe,' and the operation of the 'office' was in connection with the Methodist Mission. Subsequently Gerald Alley had a Government post office established there, which was called Newtown, at first, but soon assumed the name of the township- Orillia." The name "Newtown" mentioned in this account may have been applied to an irregular office there for the convenience of settlers. But it would appear from the official list at the beginning of this chapter that "Orillia" was the name of the first office regularly established there, with Mr. Alley as postmaster.
Down to the year 1854 there was but one post office within the borders of Oro Township, and it came into existence in the following way. About 1832, the half-pay officers who had settled along the Kempenfeldt shore "used their influence to have a post office established for the township, and located in their vicinity, but on complaint of the people further back, it was removed to a more central location. This post office was called Oro, and on its removal was first kept by Andrew Robertson, and afterwards by Sergeant Grant. Letters for all residence of the township came to this one office, and the postmaster, being also the mail carrier, as soon as he reached the border of Oro, began distributing his mail, giving letters to parties charged to deliver them to parties in their neighbourhood, and who became responsible for the revenue thereby arising. This pioneer post office, or its successor, afterwards became the Rugby post office.
The early post office at Penetanguishene was opened for the convenience of the military establishment there, while the one at Colwater was likewise called into being in connection with the Indian agency established there in 1830.
Captain James Matthew Hamilton became the first regular postmaster at Penetanguishene in January, 1830, although according to another account the first post office was actually kept in the store of his son-in-law, Andrew Mitchell. The first mails were carried from Holland Landing to Penetanguishene by a half-breed. There was, however, no regular mail at the time alluded to. Sometimes there were Government despatches, which were, indeed, carried by half-breeds or Indians, but the first regular mail from Holland Landing to Penetanguishene was carried by two young Irishmen, Edward and Miles McDonald, about the year 1833. In their journey northward they would travel to Tollendal, from which place, John Sibbald, sr., would row the travellers across to Kempenfeldt on the opposite shore of the bay. On the return journey southward the carrier having arrived at Kempenfeldt was ferried across to Tollendal by Mr. Ladd, of the former place, and sometimes by William Hewson or his brother. Edward McDonald, the elder of the two, survived at Penetanguishene until about the year 1887.
These, then, were the postal arrangements of Simcoe County prior to 1837, Other post offices soon followed in different parts of the county, and from this small beginning has come the extensive postal system of to-day.
The weekly mail from Barrie to Owen Sound was conveyed on horseback, leaving Barrie Thursday morning, and returning the following Tuesday evening. The mail carrier was John Hunter, of Owen Sound, he having succeeded Wm. Stephenson, of Meaford. This arrangement continued down to the construction of the railway, when a new route was adopted.
Speaking of Mr. Hunter's death in March, 1894, the Owen Sound Advertiser remarked:-
This pioneer, whose original name was Moore Corunna Gibbie, was a native of England, and came to Canada early in the forties. For some reason or other he changed his name on arriving in this country and appears to have retained the assumed name until his death. It was usual for him to leave Barrie on Thursday mornings for Owen Sound, a distance of some eighty miles, and return to Barrie on Thursdays, so that he was on the road the greater half of the time. He rode upon an old white horse which was a familiar object to the people of that day, and the mail bags were fastened behind him on the horse.
Postage about the year 1843 was made according to distance. Under 60 miles, 41/2d.; 60 to 100 miles, 7d; after this, an extra 2d. for every 100 miles up to 1,200. Strange to say, that while 1/4d. was required to pay a letter 500 miles in Canada, the same sum took it to any place in the United Kingdom, if under 1/2 oz. in weight; not exceeding 1 oz., 2s. 8d., and 1/2d. extra for every ounce or fraction of an ounce. An arrangement with the United States, December, 1848, was the means of reducing the postal rates to Europe very considerably.
On the establishment of the Simcoe District Council, in 1843, that body at once endeavoured to improve existing postal arrangements. After it was organized, one of its first acts was in this matter. The council felt the need of a third post if the week from Holland Landing to Barrie, and thence to the Military Station at Penetanguishene, and requested the warden (J. Ae. Irving) to communicate with the Deputy Postmaster-General on the subject.
Again, in October, 1846, we find the District Council protesting to the Governor-General, complaining of the slowness of the mails by stage from Toronto to Holland Landing, although Yonge Street had been improved at great public expense and mostly macadamized. The mails were delivered at all hours, and this was the burden of the complaint. Besides this, there had been no reduction in the colonial postage rates.
Little or no improvement appears to have resulted from their complaint, as in February, 1848, a renewal of the question arose. The District Council of Simcoe had some litigation with Chas. Thompson, the stage owner, just before this, over the building of the Court House, for which he was the contractor, and this may have exasperated them. A committee now enquired into the subject of the mails in this district, with a view to their acceleration, and they memorialized the Deputy Postmaster-General, through E.S. Freer, the Post Office Surveyor.
Some stir arose from the complaints made about this time, as we find one mail carrier (John Hunter) in writing his reminiscences of May, 1847, mentions a strict surveillance kept at Craighurst post office. Speaking of carrying the mail from Barrie northward on the Penetanguishene Road, at that time, Mr. Hunter says: "John Craig was postmaster, and had the office where he lived, three-quarters of a mile north of the corners (Craighurst); and I well remember that if I was minute late I had to account for it. These were days before cheap postage."
In February, 1849, the District Council forwarded a "memorial" to the Deputy Postmaster-General on the urgent need for a post office between Essa and Tosorontio, and this request resulted in the establishment of the West Essa post office. And again, in October of the same year, the Council asked for a post office at Mr. Nulty's Mills (Creemore) on the Fourth Line of Notawasaga, and another at Cookstown, their requests being duly granted.
Some of the customs and practices of later times than those just described strike us as a little singular, or they would be so if in vogue nowadays in the distribution of mail matter. For example, "Squire" Benjamin Ross, the postmaster of Innisfil post office in the fifties and later, wore to church at St. Paul's every Sunday a tall plug hat and always had it crowded full of letters, etc. full those people who attended public worship at the place. He lived nearly four miles south of the church, and this plugful of letters carried thus far on their way was a step for the accommodation of the settlers, whatever may be said of it in the way of stict Sabbath observance. The practice of wearing letters to church every Sunday in the top of a tall beaver hat is probably now obsolete.
In 1851, the transfer took place of the Postal Department from Imperial control to that of Canada, the first Canadian Postmaster-General having been the Hon. James Morris. Up to this time the revenues from postal arrangements in Canada (if there were any) had gone to Downing Street. The Imperial Government's surrender of the revenue to the provinces of Canada at this time, in exchange for the civil list, had been a subject of much negotiation for some time. With the placing of postal affairs under Canadian management, improvements came more rapidly than before, and it would be impossibe for us to follow the subject through all its bearings, and in every part of the county, sufficient having been said for the present of the postal service in the days of the pioneers. A compilation by David Woods, of Collingwood, on "The Origins of the names of the Post Offices in Simcoe County," appeared in the seventh volume of the Ontario Historical Society's "Papers and Records" (1906), and it gives a quantity of information of the opening of the various post offices in the county.
THE NORTHERN RAILWAY
The opening of the first railway marked an epoch in this county's history, and although subsequent to the dates of most of the pioneer events hitherto reviewed in these chapters, it is entitled to receive a full notice. What is the exact date at which the agitation began for a railway across the isthmus from Toronto to Georgian Bay, would now be difficult to determine. At all events the importance of this isthmus for travelling purposes was recognized very early. Even out red predecessors gave a convincing proof of its unique position by having at least three trails across it--The Humber, Yonge Street, and Port Hope-Orillia trails. And their white displacers fully saw the prime importance of the position when they built across it the first railway in Canada.
The projection of the Northern Railway was mainly due to Frederick C. Capreol, who settled in Toronto in 1833, and who also advocated the Hurontario Ship Canal scheme with unceasing vigor till his death in 1887.
There were three attempts to construct the Northern Railroad before it actually came into existence. Each time an Act of the Canadian Legislature was passed, the years being 1836, 1845 and 1849, in the latter of which was passed the Act cbartering the company which altimately succeeded.
In the list of private bills passed by the Legislature of Upper Canada in the early part of 1836, there were two which have an interest for us, viz:-
The isthmus from Lake Ontario to Georgian Bay was wholly spanned by these two bills. And as the navigation of the River Trent was the subject of another private bill the same session, we can easily understand why the part between Lake Simcoe and Georgian Bay took the form of a canal in the minds of the legislators in preference to a railway. The proposals, which now seem so quaint to us in the light of modern railways, bear some resemblance to the "canny" proposals of the Mackenzie Administration (1873-8) for the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway by using the substitute of the waterways, and the much talked-of Dawson Route.
Robert Lynn was the engineer who made the first surveys in connection with the passing of the Act of 1836. He issued a pamphlet on the subject, and the contemporary writers of that period have something to say on this matter (see for example, Thompson's Reminiscences, p.68). In the Toronto Public Library are preserved numerous Manuscripts and pamphlets of this earliest survey for the railway. The title of the Act of 1836 (6 Will. IV., cap. 5) was "An Act to incorporate the City of Toronto and Lake Huron Railroad Company."
This railway project met with hearty support soon after it was first mentioned, for in Dr. Thomas Rolph's Statistical Account of Upper Canada, 1836, we find the statement:
From a report by one John Smith, reproduced in the same book, some further interesting facts are gleamed:
"The Company chartered last winter, to construct this railroad, are making vigorous exertions to commence the work."
JOHN SMITH Toronto, July 23, 1836."
For some reason or other, however, the projected railway was lost sight of, or at all events, held a less prominent position in public affairs. Perhaps the outbreak of the Rebellion lent its assistance to keeping the project in the background. At any rate it was not till 1845 that active steps were again taken to bring it into actual existence.
One by one the newspapers of Toronto at that time took up the agitation, articles in which serve to illustrate the difficulties and doubts which the scheme encountered, especially the question of terminus.
In 1845, an Act was passed (8 Vict., chap. 83) to amend the Act of 1836. This amendment in 1845 gave power to the company to extend the railroad beyond the Home District (Simcoe District being now in existence), and extended further the time for its completion. One or two stock calls were made by the secretary pro tem, Lieutenant-Colonel Edward G. O'Brien, but not responded to very promptly, and so the attempt on this occasion did not succeed.
In 1849 was passed the Act chartering the successful railway project, its title being "An Act to incorporate the Toronto, Simcoe and Lake Huron Union Railroad Company." A year later, an Act to amend the first Act was passed (Aug. 10, 1850), by which the name of the Company was altered to the Ontario, Simcoe and Huron, i.e., the tree lakes joined together by the enterprise.
In February, 1848, a special committee of the Simcoe District Council had reported upon corresponding with various corporate bodies of the Home District, upon the establishment of a great Northern Railway, and this definite agitation had resulted in the bill above mentioned. But we must seek further back for the earlier germ of the enterprise. The first newspaper in the District, the Barrie Magnet, had not been in existence more than a few months in 1847 ere it commenced agitating the construction of a railway to connect Lakes Ontario and Huron via Barrie "or some point or points on Lake Simcoe," thus to aid in opening up the country and securing the bulk of the trade of the great Northwest across this the narrowest neck of the peninsula. In this agitation Jonathan Lane rendered untiring aid, and S.M. Sanford furnished valuable statistical information. Occasionally the British Colonist and the Globe copied the Magnet articles, but looked upon the project as somewhat utopian. After a while the Colonist became convinced of the feasability and practicability of the scheme and aided it with such energy as tended to its ultimate accomplishment; but the Globe poo-poohed and urged the construction, instead, of a railway from Toronto westward. Even in Barrie there were those who viewed the suggestion of a railway through this then wilderness section of country as an utterly absurd proposition. "I hope," said one gentleman to the editor, "the people won't consider you crazy." "To construct a railway as you suggest," said another, "it would be neccesary to cross the Holland River, and that would be impossible, except on pigeon-poles." But the little Magnet stuck to its text, the Simcoe Disrict Council, the Toronto Board of Trade, City Council, and other corporations took the matter up as one of vital importance, voted liberal assistance, the road was built, and there is none more prosperous that this the first railway line in the Dominion.
The agitation for financial aid, kept up in the newspapers, continued to grow, and the matter was taken up by the Toronto Board of Trade, the City Council, the Simcoe District Council, and the various Township Councils. An extract may illustrate this stage of the project's development:
The chairman addressed the meeting in a practical speech, setting forth the advantages of the railroad.
J. Craig, Esq., moved, seconded by D. Johnston,--That it is the unanimous opinion of this meeting that the proposed railroad will greatly tend to develop the resources of this county.
W. Hunt moved, T. Craig seconded,--That the Reeve of the Townships be requested to support by his vote in the County Council the issue of debentures to the amount of £50,000 for the purpose of taking stock in the Toronto, Simcoe and Lake Huron Railroad.
Mr. McKinlay moved, seconded by Mr. Alex. Laing,--That the thanks of this meeting be given Messrs. Sanford and Gibbard, who have been kind enough to attend, for the information they afforded.
Mr. W. Hunt moved, seconded by Mr. McKinlay, That the proceedings of this meeting be forwarded to the Barrie Magnet, Toronto Colonist and Patriot, with a request that they may be inserted in their respective journals.
A railway meeting was also held by the ratepayers of South Simcoe, in the Township of Essa, in June, 1850. The names of those who took an active leading part in its proceedings are:--Mr. Drury, Chairman; Mr. Gordon, Secretary. Movers and seconders of resolutions were Mr. Morris, Reeve for Essa and Tosorontio, Mr. Turnbull; Mr. Todd; Mr. Dunwoodie, sen.; Mr. P.D. Kelly, Mr. Dunwoodie, jun.; Mr. Latimer, Mr. Price; Mr. Lee, Mr. Todd.
About this period representatives from the County Town, amongst whom may be mentioned Jonathan Lane, in addition to Messrs. Sanford and Gibbard mentioned above, went out through the county to canvass in behalf of the new railway. And it was this aid that first gave the road some prestige.
Although the Act chartering the new railway passed the Legislature in 1849, it was not until 1850 (at the October session) that the Simcoe County Council first took up seriously the question of aiding it financially. The agitation throughout the county during the summer of that year had produced some effect, and two petitions looking to this end came before the Councillors in October, leading to action on the part of the council as stated. Before adjourning they named a committee of three from amongst themselves, (consisting of the Warden, Wm. Armson, Thomas Maconchy, and Jonathan Lane), to consider the question in a preliminary way. A special meeting of the whole Council was then held in December to determine all matters of detail, and to issue debentures for £50,000, payable in 20 years.
Many inhabitants of the county regretted that the Council of 1850 had saddled Simcoe with the debt of £50,000 for building the railway, but it is almost certain that the railway would not have been built at the time it was had this aid not been granted. Some years may have elapsed, and even in the end, any Railway Company would probably have required just as much aid as this one received before it would had undertaken the work.
A stormy period began with issuing the £50,000 railroad debentures. At the special session of the council in December, 1850, above mentioned, there was a protest from Mono Township at issuing railroad debentures, but the Council held on its way and passed the By-Law (No. 10) to take stock to the extent stated, and to issue debentures for that amount. Owing to the outlying position of Mono, it would fail to derive much benefit from the new railway, which the promoters intended to construct in the vicinity of Lake Simcoe, as the name of the line itself indicated. In 1852, Moses Harshaw, the Reeve of Mono, had a writ served upon the Warden of Simcoe for the purpose of quashing By-law No. 10. And in May of that year, we find that the Mono Council retained the railroad tax for a time, but ultimately had to disgorge it. In the course of the law suit, Mono vs. the County of Simcoe, the By-law respecting the railroad was confirmed, the plaintiffs having declined to proceed.
The railroad question produced much commotion in the County Council itself, as well as among the people. At the January session, 1851, Judge Gowan having declined to be the director on the railway board, in consequence of his legal duties, the council named Thomas Maconchy as their director, but rescinded their motion next day, and on the following day chose Jesse Purdy of Meaford. The pros and cons in the council were very nearly a tie, which added to the difficulty of the situation.
The railroad question, with the prospect of an inevitable increase of the taxes by a third or more, now brought on an agitation for the separation of Grey County, which may be said to have come into existence through Simcoe taking stock in the new railway. In January, 1851, the new movement for detaching the Townships of St. Vincent, Collingwood, Euphrasia, Artemesia and Osprey, aroused opposition from the Simcoe County Council, especially because these townships, in taking this course, wanted to be exonerated from bearing their share of the liabilities made up to this date, viz., the debt for the county buildings and the railroad. Notwithstanding the Council's protest against dismemberment, the secession went on.
At the same session of the Council (January, 1851,) the increase of the county's liabilities by the amount of the railroad debt also brought forward a renewal of the old agitation for the secession of the lots in the Old Survey of West Gwillimbury, on the south side of the Holland River, to York County. This time, notwithstanding a protest from the Simcoe Council, the promoters of this separation succeeded, and in the following year (1852) this strip of land became part of York County. This measure, along with the secession of the five townships at the west to form part of Grey County, altogether meant a general flocking away from the old home.
At the beginning of the construction of the line, the Railway Company entered into the contract for the work with M.C. Story & Co., on the strength of the stock taken, and the Simcoe County debentures, as well as the other subscriptions, were paid direct to the contractors, on certificate from the engineer. The construction of the line now went forward under the contractors, M.C. Story & Co., (which was a firm brought from the United States). In January, 1852, when acknowledging the receipt of the Chief Engineer's certificates, and a demand for money on the debentues, the council tardily found them to be in accordance with the By-law, but sarcastically regretted that the issue of the debentures had not been made to depend on the quantity of work done on the railroad instead of the amount of monies spent on it. By October, 1852, the whole of the 200 debentures for £50,000 had been paid or issued to the contractors, a year before the line reached the head of Kempenfeldt Bay, near the county town.
The Canadian Statutes for 1852-3 contain an Act to Anend the Act incorporating the Ontario, Simcoe and Huron Union Railway Company. This new Act gave the Company power to run to Lake Huron (Saugeen township or northward), and in this way gave some meaning to the use of the term "Huron" in the title of the railway. The name "Georgian Bay" was in daily use at this time for the body of water which had been originally called Lake of the Hurons. So by an extension of the line to the Bruce peninsula there would be some propriety in the name which the Company had adopted. Yet it was sometimes known as the Northern Railroad from the first, (for example, in the Council Minutes of January, 1851, p. 19), although this was not the "official" name, but a few years later it became such. By the amended Act of Incorporation of the O. S. & H. U. Railroad Company, the Warden became a Director of the Company (1853).
J.C. Morrison, Esq., M.P.P., was President of the Ontario, Simcoe & Huron Union Railroad Company in 1853, and Frederick W. Cumberland, Chief Engineer. Mr. Cumberland's Report for 1853 (February) considers the various proposals for the line beyond Kempenfeldt Bay, the favorite terminus being that known as the "Hen and Chickens."
In the Toronto Daily Patriot (January and February, 1853), eight letters signed by a "Shareholder" originally appeared on matters in connection with the affairs of the Company, and a short time later the letters were reprinted in pamphlet form. The "Eight Letters" had much to say about the "Hen and Chickens" terminal point. The anonymous author also contended that the contractors "packed or made up" "a board of direction at the dictation of Mr. Morrison"; and still further, "Shareholder" attacked the appointment of Mr. J.C. Morrison as President.
When the Simcoe County Council issued the railway bonds, it was found desirable to make the debentures for twenty years, but the law obliged them to redeem the bonds in ten years. Hence the council found it necessary to apply for an Act of Parliament for relief. Toronto, having also taken stock to the extent of £50,000, obtained an Act of a similar kind.
The united counties of Wellington, Waterloo and Grey, to which the above mentioned five seceding townships now belonged, in January, 1853, repudiated its share of debt incurred while they were part of Simcoe, and it became necessary for arbitration to ensue under 14 and 15 Vict., chap. 5, sec. 7, and 12 Vict., chap. 8, sec. 15.
In some years, the railroad tax exceeded the county tax for all other outlays combined, as in this year (1853), on account of which the Council and the inhabitants generally grew tired of the railroad stock before the road was running to Allandale. So in June, 1853, they appointed a committee to sell the stock, if this could be done advantageously, which, however, could not be done.
Debentures to the extent of $400,000 were issued by the City of Toronto and York County for the new project, and the various municipalities along the proposed line also contributed in like manner. So in course of time the road came to be built, and was the first line of railroad of any extent completed in Ontario.
The first engine used on the Northern Railway was the "Lady Elgin," built in New Jersey by the firm of Patterson. Then came the "Collingwood" and the "Simcoe"; and the "Toronto," which shortly followed, was the first locomotive built in Canada. Of those machinists who built the latter, at Toronto, during '52 and '53, was James Campbell, formerly of Barrie, and later of Thornbury, Ontario.
The road was constructed in parts, in common with all other new railways, and opened in pieces, the dates at which the different sections were opened being herewith given:
An interesting sketch of the first passenger train on this railway was given in the Toronto Globe of February 22, 1890, a portion of which is given:
It was unique in those days, and enjoyed whatever name its owners might care to bestow on it. Now it might suffer so much by comparison that critical railroad men would possibly call it by some other name.
The first locomotive used on the road was the Lady Elgin, and which is now stowed in a railroad shed, its usefulness having long since passed away. It was used as a construction engine. The locomotive that pulled the first train out of Toronto was the "Toronto," a machine built by James Good at his workshop on Queen Street east, near Yonge Street. * * The first consignment of freight received by the Company was from Toronto to Bradford. It consisted of a chest of tea, a dozen brooms, and a barrel of salt. The next train took as freight for Angus Russell, Barrie, a case of boots, the freight of which was 1s., 11d."
At the outset may rumors were afloat regarding the point at which it would touch Barrie. Here is one from the Barrie Herald, March, 1852:
But when first opened the road only touched upon Allandale,--and did not smile upon the county capital. This gave serious trouble. The county had invested in stock to the extent of £50,000, a condition of which was that Barrie should receive the road. But for some reason or another, it was only constructed to Allandale, and thence to Collingwood. This avoidance of their obligations by the Railway Company resulted in several years of expensive litigation, and in the end the obligation had to be discharged as will afterward appear.
"The subject of the railway station at Barrie" came up first at the session of the County Council in January, 1853, and the question was a perennial one for a dozen years afterward. According to a popular account of the matter, Barrie had refused to burden itself with a bonus to the railway, or had otherwise given some offence, whereupon F.W. Cumberland, the engineer, said "he would make grass grow in its streets and would pave Allandale streets with gold." It is probable, however, that the weightier consideration was the engineering difficulty arising from the hills around the town, a difficulty which also arose at a later time in connection with the C.P.R., and that this had something to do with the course the line should take, as it was aiming to reach the Georgian Bay through the flatland westward from the head of Kempenfeldt Bay.
By November, Mr. Cumberland had written the Council with reference to the branch line from the "head of Kempenfeldt Bay" i.e. Allandale into Barrie. He had given directions for a survey and plan, which were duly made. Here the question rests for a while, but it will come up at a later time, in its proper place in our narrative.
In his first report to the Council (January, 1854,) after the opening of the railway, the County Treasurer commented upon the abundant signs "of the increasing prosperity of the county, whether owing to extensive immigration, or the facilities offered by the railroad for cheap and speedy transport of produce, or to the energy and steady industry of our settlers, or to the three combined." He also pointed out the liability of the real estate of the railroad to assessment in the townships through which it passed for 45 miles in the county. As there was much popular discontent over the railway tax at the time, the townships did not fail to take the hint, and the railway has been well taxed for its belongings ever since that time.
As it was incumbent on the Council to form a Sinking Fund for the payment of the £50,000 at the end of twenty years, the Treasurer recommended the Council to purchase the debentures themselves, instead of investing in other securities the £2,500 for 1855, which was the amount for that year's levy. At the January session, 1855, the Council adopted the Tresurer's recommendation, which may have been unobjectionable in theory, but as one might easily foresee, it would not work in practice, and ultimately led to trouble in the County's finances, as it has also done in so many other municipalities that "borrowed their own money." At the session in June following, the Council appointed a committee to sell the stock in the railroad, but no sale took place.
At the same June session, a petition or memorial of ratepayers in the southern portion of the county came before the Council, complaining of the express trains not stopping at Bradford Station. In the 'wisdon" of the directors, or of Mr. Brunell, the Superintendent, the express trains did not stop "no matter from what motive, reason or cause." This arrangement was deemed prejudicial to the interests of that portion of the county. In the working of the line, which ought to have been for the public good, as well as for the good of the railway company, there is evidence that there was ugliness in abundance.
At the October session, 1855, the Council passed a resolution requesting the Warden, as the representative of the county at the railroad Board, to use his influence with that body for the discontinuance of running accommodation and freight trains on Sunday. For the first few years, the railway line was unfenced, so that many cattle of the settlers strayed on to the railway track and were destroyed. In January, 1856, this state of things brought a petition from the Council to the Legislative Assembly to amend the Charter so as to make it imperative on the Company to fence their line of road. While speaking of the condition of the track, it may be mentioned that when the railway was first constructed it was not ballasted, and it lacked ballast for some years afterward. For the first thirty years of its existence, wood was the fuel used for burning in the engines.
Amongst Canadian Railways, the Northern was not alone in failing to pay dividends to the original stockholders. The Grand Trunk Railway, long before it absorbed the Northern and Northwestern systems, was notoriously disastrous, as an investment, to its British shareholders. The broad gauge, which proved to be "a disastrous mistake," as Sir Francis Hincks called it, was first adopted on the road abuilding from Montreal to Portland; then the British promoters of the entire Grand Trunk line decided in favour of the broad gauge (possibly thinking it was desirable to have a different gauge from lines in the United States) and thus led the Canadian Government to compel the Northern Railroad and other prospective feeders of the trunk line to adopt that gauge as a condition of obtaining the Government guarantee. It arose, apparently, at first from the City of Portland and Maine trying to convert Canadian traffic from Boston and New York to themselves, as we learn from Sir Francis Hincks' Reminiscences, p. 443.
As time went on, financial matters with the railway grew worse. Times were said to be hard, the railway was not paying interest or dividends to the stockholders who had been enterprising enough to lend their money to the concern, the workmen were going without pay, the tack needed fencing and ballasting; in fact, in the slang parlance of a later day, everything about the line was "on the bum." Under these circumstances, in June, 1857, the Board of Directors forwarded a memorial praying financial aid from the Council under their embarrassments. The liabilities of the line were then nearly £1,000,000 (sterling), i.e., nearly $50,000 a mile of the road. The interest was £56,592 per year, while the yearly profits were only £22,000 per year. What a deficiency. There must have been gross extravagance in working the line. It is impossible to peruse the affairs of the company at this period without coming to the conclusion that somebody must have made a fortune out of the construction of the railroad.
In view of the deplorable financial state of the railway at this time, the committee, to whom was referred the above mentioned application, recommended that the stock (£50,000) be sold, and the proceeds handed over to the railroad as a free gift, conditional on the ratepayers' sanction. Thee was a prospect of the stoppage of the road, and bankruptcy, to the ruin of mill owners, merchants and others. So the Council was almost pursuaded to take compassion on the almost bankrupt concern. On further consideration, however, they appointed a provisional committee which brought in a report at the October session, (1857). When October arrived, under the circumstances, the Warden was authorized by By-law No. 76 to dispose of the County's stock. For the year ending July 1, 1857, the railway company's
While these events were taking place, the Orillia Township Council, in June, 1857, petitioned the County Council to take stock in a new project called the Eastern Railroad, but their weighty obligations under the Ontario, Simcoe and Huron Union Railroad stock, which was not paying any dividends, prevented the council from taking any.
Under By-law No. 76, the Warden did sell or give away the railway stock to the townships and villages in the county, and the Council passed By-law No. 83 to explain the former By-law No. 76. In January, 1858, the County Treasurer was authorized to go to Toronto and register the transfers of the stock, which the Warden had made. A new difficulty now arose, as the railway company would not register the transfer or sale. At the October session, 1858, a committee of five was appointed to examine the title under which the townships held the stock. An application was made to the Court of Common Pleas to compel the railway to register the transfers of stock to the township corporations in the county, and at the June session, a letter from the solicitor, H.B. Hopkins, stated that the Court of Common Pleas had granted a mandamus compelling the railway company to register the stock transfer. At a later time, the County Treasurer requested instructions for Mr. Hopkins to commence proceedings in the Court of Chancery on this account; yet, notwithstanding all this fuss in the law courts, to get rid of the stock, the "white elephant" remained on the county's hands.
In the meantime, the affairs of the railway had been taken another turn. In June, 1858, the Legislature had before them "An Act to amend the Acts relating to the O. S. & H. U. R. Co.," the object of which was to postpone the Government lien on the railway. If the Government had stepped in and demanded statisfaction for its lien on the line, there would have been a collapse. But the postponement of the Government lien enabled the company to borrow sufficient funds to place the road in a thorough and efficient state of affair.
By the following January, (1859), the continuance of the railway as a working road was extremely uncertain, so the Council appointed a committee of five to go to Toronto to aid in affording speedy relief. The railway at this time was negotiating with the Government to mature some plan to be laid before the Parliament at its next session. The indebtedness of the road became so great that there were writs in the Shieriff's hands (by June, 1859), to seize and sell everything belonging to it. The road itself was so rickety and out of repair that life and property were greatly endangered by using it. The arrangement was that £:250,000 (sterling) should be advanced by bondholders, their new bonds to be a first lien on the road. The large sums of money subscribed by the County and others were thus irrecoverably gone, or relegated to a secondary place in comparison with the preferred bonds. The Government introduced and passed an Act, taking the road into its own hands, and everything relating to its management was regulated by order of the Government, henceforth. It was during the period of these troubles that the name of the institution became the Northern Railway Company. And it was at this same period that Frederick W. Cumberland became the General Manager.
By the Act and Order-in-Council of 1859, the road was assumed or sequestrated by the Government, but was afterward revested in the company on certain conditions as to raising new capital, which were complied with, and the company reorganized. The Warden, T.D. McConkey, stated to the Council, June, 1860, that the most rigid economy was now practiced by the Board and by the Superintendent, J.L. Grant.
The railway company now decided upon spending £170,000 (sterling) in works on the line before November 1, 1861. The contractors were the firm of Peto, Brassey & Betts, railway contractors, of whom the central figure was Thomas Brassey, of London, England, so well known then in the connection with the construction of the Grand Trunk and of the Victoria Bridge at Montreal. The contractors were to maintain the road while the contract continued, and the line would be fenced throughout. By June, 1860, under the new auspices, the receipts of the road had increased. A reduction of the freight tariff took place, and three cents a mile was now charged for passenger fare. The Warden, on this occasion, spoke of the £50,000 stock as still belonging to the county. The question of ownership of the stock was in "Chancery" and undecided when the Government sequestered the line, so it remained in the County's hands.
Contracts for the restoration and maintenance of the road went into effect, October 1, 1860. At the date of the Council's session in this month, the new iron had been delivered and operations commenced. There were no steel rails then, nothing but iron, Bessemer steel rails having come into use on Canadian railways about the year 1865 or later.
Up to this time, ministers of the gospel, or clergymen, at the beginning of the railway, were allowed to travel over the road at the rate of half fare. The object had been to afford the more remote parts of the county the privilege of hearing the gospel, where they were not able to maintain a clergyman, but the privilege had been abused. The new Board and management of the railway withheld this privilege.
During the period of the restoration of the road, the long bridge near Tollendal, or trestlework, was converted from wood to iron. This trestlework was removed and the space filled with earth, except across the stream.
The financial difficulties through which the Northern Railway had been passing all this time, kept a troublesome question silent, but on the restoration of the road, this sprang into life again. This was the building of the branch (1 mile in length) across the head of Kempenfeldt Bay from Allandale to Barrie. Before June, 1855, arrangements for the construction of this branch had been entered into. Barrie had raised £3,000 to purchase the right of way for it. And although a few prominent men were opposed to it, including T.R. Ferguson, it would probably have been built at this time but for the financial troubles upon which the railway company now entered.
In 1857, the Barrie Council petitioned the Government for the extension of the boundaries of the town so as to embrace the station grounds at Allandale in Innifil, together with some 400 acres adjoining the lake shore. The County Council, at its October session in that year, condemned the move and petitioned the Government against it. The proposal to annex Allendale to Barrie, came up again in January, 1859, with the same result as before. So the branch line slumbered for about three years longer, during the period while the railway was under a financial cloud.
In the early part of 1862 the question was revived. It had been the original intention of the promoters to bring the line into Barrie, and with this understanding the town was to purchase the right of way across the head of the bay. As the company failed to bring the road to the town, it claimed damages against them, and Angus Morrison, M.P., for North Simcoe, brought a Bill into the House "to compel the company either to refund the amount paid by the town or build a switch into Barrie." Mr. Morrison withdrew the Bill, on the representations of Mr. Cumberland, and submitted the matter to arbitration, the result of which was an award of £5,000 or $20,000 in favour of the town. It appears that when this matter came before the Board of railway directors, Mr. T.R. Ferguson, who as Warden was a member of the Board, voted against the award being paid to the town, which caused a sensation at the time.
The commercial and business men of the town each time they went to the railway depot (Allandale) with or for freight, had to travel three miles. The railway directors (October, 1862) entered into an agreement with the town to make the switch and the town purchased a portion, at least, of the right of way; or purchased the whole, and paid only part of the purchase, but gave bonds under seal to make the titles perfect as soon as valued and paid for. The County Council this session (October, 1862) concluded the railway should have made the switch, and it directed the Warden to bring the matter before the directors to make it rather than grant the sum of money under the award.
Further delay occurring, the Town of Barrie instituted legal proceedings in the Court of Chancery against the railway directors on account of their neglect and refusal to build the branch into the town. So the County Council (January, 1863), stepped into the breach and petitioned the Legislative Assembly to compel the Company to build the branch so that all litigation might cease. At the November session, 1863, the County Council loaned $4,000 to Barrie to complete the purchase of the right of way for the branch line, and during the next season the work was constructed. The formal opening of the branch to Barrie for traffic was celebrated on June 21, 1865, and thus was brought to a close a lasting source of unpleasant agitation. To the review and railway celebration on that date, the County Council granted $200, more especially to aid in entertaining the volunteers of this and the adjoining military districts brought together on the occasion. There was a large influx of visitors, and an exciting time, with the usual mutual laudation after the law had been invoked and had interfered to bring about compliance with an obligation incurred twelve years before.
Some financial difficulties arose in the early sixties over the railway stock, and the method of providing for the payment of it. The debt incurred in December, 1850, to provide $200,000 of railroad stock, when first contracted, was to be paid off in twenty years, i.e. by 1870. The By-law (No. 10) so provided, although the debentures were afterward actually issued on January 1st, 1852, and made payable on January 1, 1872. In June, 1861, Mr. Boys, the County Treasurer, sent a report to the Council showing the amounts actually raised by the county for railroad purposes from 1855 to 1860, viz., an aggregate of $138,758. This Railroad Sinking Fund in the County Treasurer's hands was a source from which money, on different occasions, was temporarily borrowed to pay other debts. This way of financing went on until it resulted in no Sinking Fund, as one might expect, and has often occurred in other municipalities in a similar way. The outcome was that the County Council, in January, 1867, passed a By-law to consolidate the debt of the County, and extend it over a period of 15 years by the issue of a new series of debentures for $141,000, of which $63,000 was for railroad debt. Before the time was up for paying the railroad stock, the county had resorted to the expedient of "consolidation" by Act of Parliament.
Soon after the payment of the debentures for the $200,000 railway stock, it transpired (June, 1873) with regard to the financial affairs of the Northern Railway that the road was at this time fully able to pay 5 per cent. upon all its stock. As this would give the County $10,000 annually, the Council advised that steps should be taken to protect the County's interests. Popular indignation at not receiving any divedend on the railway stock again came up to be ventilated the next year, (June, 1874). The Warden and a deputation of four reeves had gone to Ottawa in April, 1874, to urge that the County's interests should be protected, and they had an audience from the Premier, the Hon. Alex. Mackenzie. He asked them, "what they considered their interests worth, and stated that whatever claims" they may have had from the £50,000 stock, he considered they were fully and amply repaid in the running of the road and the benefits conferred thereby. However, the Premier promised that, in the measure for the relief of the road which it was the intention of the Government to introduce, he would not do anything to injure the stock of the county or others, or place it in a worse position than it then occupied.
While the County legislators wished to guard the interests of the people in this matter, they were alert to the other side of the question. The railway rolling stock had been notoriously inadequate to the wants of the district, and most of the people knew it. The construction of the Hamilton & Northwestern line at this time also stimulated the Northern Railway Company to move themselves and provide better accommodation for the public. Accordingly, in view of the approaching N. R. R. Relief Bill, the County Council, in January, 1875, memorialized the Governor-General to grant legislative relief that the railway could borrow money, re-stock the road and improve the roadway.
A new source of alarm, perhaps groundless, soon made its appearance. The Council, or some prominent member of it, had learned that it was the intention of the Government, or some member of Parliament, to introduce a Bill to deprive stockholders in the railway to the extent of the $200,000, and so the County Council was called together for a special session, March 18-20, 1875, to consider the Bill before the House of Commons relating to the Northern Railway, which was named the Northern Railway Relief Bill and Consolidation Bill. At this special session the Council sent a memorial to the Governor-General protesting against any interference with the standing of their stock, which they would not relinquish unless by way of bonus to the North Simcoe Railway Company. In due course of time, the Northern Railway Act of 1875 became law as 38 Vict., chapter 65.
The autumn session (September, 1875) of the County Council was called especially early to consider railway matters. A special committee on the disposal of the stock held by the county reported in favour of assisting such a re-arrangement of the railway's capital account as would enable the company to raise the necessary funds for the purposes it had in view. They recommended a commutation of the $200,000 stock into new ordinary stock at 25 per cent. of its value, conditionally upon Toronto commuting also, and there were other conditions added. None of the conditions were satisfied, so the proposition fell through.
Again, in January, 1876, a Bill was to be introduced at the approaching session of the Dominion Parliament to provide for alterations in the management and proprietory interest of the Northern Railway, and the Council were busy watching it, lest something detrimental to the stock should be incorporated in the measure. The County Treasurer reported to the Council, in January, 1878, that the county's stock in the Northern Railway had been, by Act of Parliament, converted into sterling, and the new stock for £40,000 (sterling) had been handed over to him.
In October, 1878, a special committee of the Council, appointed to confer in regard to the stock held by the county, reported that, "it would be to the interest of the county, etc., that the stock be surrendered to the Railway Company," so that it could proceed with the improvements it had in view. This report raised a storm of dissent, and was left over until the January session, i.e. given a 3 months' hoist.
In the Warden's address, January, 1879, he mentioned that the Northern Railway Company (the North Simcoe branch being now complete) had at the time 150 miles of railway exclusively in this county, with station houses, freight buildings, etc., all paying taxes annually. For some years the railway company had desired to change the gauge of the line from the broad gauge to the general standard gauge of Canadian and American Railway systems, and thus open the traffic of the line to the markets of the continent generally, without transshipment of goods. The cost of making this change on the lines of the Northern Railway was estimated at $300,000, and the Councillors were now approached with a proposal to aid in this undertaking. F.W. Cumberland, the Managing-Director of the Northern Railway, had twice addressed the County Council during the preceding year (1878, in June and again in October) on matters relative to the railway, and had advocated its interests. He had even proposed that the County's stock in the railway ($200,000) should be written off, to enable the company to carry out the improvement. But there followed, a few weeks later, the amalgamation of the two railways, and this event which is described more fully in the next chapter, deferred the question of changing the gauge for at least two more years.
THE H. & N. W. R. R. , AND THE AMALGAMTED NORTHERN AND NORTH-WESTERN SYSTEM
When the project of building a railway from Hamilton to Simcoe County, first came before the public, the County Council petitioned the Ontario Legislature for a charter for the new line, which was to run from Hamilton to Hogg, Mundy, Sturgeon or Matchedash Bays, (January, 1872). The same year the Act was passed in due course as 35 Vict., Chapt. 55, (Ontario), chartering the new line as the Hamilton & North-Western Railway.
At the January session, 1873, the County Council introduced a by-law and gave it two readings, preparatory to advertising it and submitting it to the ratepayers in the several townships concerned in passing it. Under this by-law, the railway company had to construct and complete the road within four years from the final passage of the by-law, and they were to receive a bonus of $300,000, the debentures for which were issued for twenty years (i.e., extending to 1893). The municipalities undertaking to grant this bonus to assist the new railway were the townships of West Gwillimbury, Tecumseth, Adjala, Mulmur, Tosorontio, Essa, Vespra, Sunnidale, Nottawasaga, and the towns of Barrie and Collingwood. The Township of Innifil also granted a bonus of $20,000 on its own account to the railway, but did not belong to the group.
After the session of the Council, a regular campaign commenced for the passage of the by-law in the municipalities just named. One of the most energetic advocates of the railroad bonus was Lieut.-Col. R. T. Banting, the County Clerk, who assisted Messrs. Young and others to "stump" the townships in behalf of the measure. In due course of time it was passed by the people, and at the June session, 1873, the Council gave it the third reading and finally adopted it. The debentures for $300,000 realized $357,700, or $57,000 more than the face value of the debentures, which was derived from premiums, interest from the banks, etc. The debentures commanded a premium whenever offered for sale.
At the same session, (June, 1873), the Council appointed the warden as director from this county on the Hamilton and North-Western Railway Board, and William Boys, Esq., of Barrie, (afterward Judge Boys), as the trustee on behalf of the county, the debentures for the $300,000 being deposited with him for safe-keeping. For this year (1873) and the next four years the warden of the time represented the county on the H. & N.-W. R. R. board. But as he had to also attend the board meeting of the Northern Railway, it was deemed advisable that a different director should be appointed for the H. & N.-W. R. R. Accordingly, in January, 1878, the Council appointed by by-law a director for the H. & N.-W. R. R., and for a number of years afterward, appointed a new director at each January session for the ensuing year. The following list will show the directors for successive years.
On the absorbtion of the H. & N-W. R. R. by the Grand Trunk in 1888, the latter ignored the county's right to be represented by a director.
Although the Council desired to assist the undertaking, there was, however, a re-action as a result of the late election to pass the by-law. From the experience gained in the recent proceedings, the County Council complained to the Legislative Assembly of the Act which grouped municipalities for bonuses. It forced bonuses from municipalities uninterested in the railways, in an arbitrary way, and so the Council asked the Legislature to repeal or amend the Act.
For the year 1874, the townships and towns in the Hamilton Railway group, named above, paid a levy of three and one-third mills in the dollar in addition to the usual levy for other matters. This burden bore heavily on some portions of the territory involved in making the payments.
At the January session, 1875, the Council passed a resolution of great importance to the company. The company's agreement having been to the effect that they woule let the contract for a line from Hamilton to Collingwood and Barrie, and the work of construction proceeded with not later than March 14, 1875, and the time for commencing it having almost expired without a prospect of the realization of the work, the Council resolved that the directors be requested to call a meeting of the shareholders and resign their trust to others with more energy and determination. At the same session January (January, 1875,) a special committee of the Council sent a telegram to John Stewart, President of H. & N.-W. R. R., asking him to explain the prospects and position of the road. He wrote a letter explaining the unexpected delay in beginning the construction of the line. Since they had asked aid from the county, a great change had taken place in the "railway world of Canada." After the panic in the United States, railway earnings had fallen off, railway securities were discredited, and the stock for the railway had not been subscribed. There had also been delay in getting aid from Halton County. In the meantime they had advertised for tenders for the various works. Notwithstanding these assurances the Simcoe Council had little confidence in the arrangements.
The special committee appointed to obtain the opinion of R. A. Harrison, Esq., and the county solicitor, in regard to the H. & N.W. R. R. Company, recommended (September, 1875,) that the County Treasurer pay over to the railway trustees no more money. The Township of West Gwillimbury filed a Bill of Complaint to have the debentures issued by the county to the railway returned to the county. The County Council, however, refused to be a party plaintiff in this suit. (January, 1876). For the year 1875, it required a special rate of a three and two-third mills in the dollar from the municipalities in the Hamilton Railway group to meet the interest and principal of debentures.
At the June session, 1876, John Stewart, President of the railway, with Philo Dayfoot, a director, addressed the County Council on the difficulties and prospects of the construction of the railway. The county's relations with the H. & N.-W. R. R. Company being anything but satisfactory, the warden was instructed at this session to confer with the county solicitor as to issuing and serving a mandamus on the trustees of the railway restricting them from negotiating, touching or dealing with the debentures given by the group and by Innisfil.
The railway company being unable to complete their line within the time contemplated by their charter, they obtained an extension of the time for that purpose by an Act of the Legislature in 1876, 39 Vict., Chapt. 72, 1875-6, Statutes of Ontario. (An Act to furthe amend the Act relating to the Hamilton and North-Western Railway.") The company nect agreed with municipalities interested to get an advance of $170,000 to enable them to build the portion of their line between Palgrave and Barrie as the main line, and defer the Beeton and Collingwood branch. The County Council in January, 1877, memorialized the Legislature to have the company complete both lines together. The last named measure or agreement, which came before the Legislature in the early months of 1877, was embodied in a lengthy Act, which was passed as 40 Vict., Chapt. 76, and it divided the $300,000 bonus into two parts, viz., $170,000 for the main line to Barrie, and $130,000 for the Collingwood branch from Beeton. The Act also brought about a readjustment of the burden among the municipalities of the group, in accordance with which the County Council passed a new by-law in June, 1877, levying a rate on the main line section, and another rate on the Collingwood branch. By a report adopted at the same session, the Council authorized the trustees to pay over to the H. & N.-W. R. R. Company the unexpected portion of the bonus applicable to the construction of the main line (i.e., of the $170,000), on the securities of the rails and fastenings on their arrival at Montreal. It appears the times for the construction of the lines were fixed as follows: The main line during 1877, and the branch line 1878. The first passenger train was run from Clarksville (Beeton) to Hamilton on Wednesday, October 3, 1877.
In January, 1878, just after the main line had been completed and was running to Barrie (it had been opened on December 31, 1877), and the branch as far as Glencairn, the County Council sent a deputation to the Legislature at Toronto to prevent the contemplated further extension of time for the completion of the branch line to Collingwood. At the same session, the Council also sent a memorial to the Lieut.-Governor-in-Council to aid the H. & N.-W. R. R. Company in extending their line through the northern townships of the county to the Severn RIver, the intention of which was to connect ultimately with the proposed Canada Pacific Railway. As well as sending the deputation, the council also sent a memorial to the Legislative Assembly, protesting against extending the time for completion of the branch line. The railway company applied for an extension of three years for the completion of the branch, but were refused; and owing to these delays in the construction of all parts of the line, the levy for 1876 on account of the H. & N.-W. R. R. Company appears in the books of the treasurer as cancelled for that year.
Wm. Boys, Esq., had been appointed trustee on behalf of the county, October 22, 1873, and on the conclusion of his work, January, 1879, the council voted him a grant of $300.
The first "official" divulgence of the proposed amalgamation of the two railways of the county came before the County Council at its June session, 1879. The Warden, (Chas. Cameron, of Collingwood), in his opening address, drew the council's attention to an agreement between the Northern Railway and the Hamilton & North-Western Railway which would come into effect on July 1st. On the Board of directors of the Northern Railway, of which he was a member in his capacity as warden of the county, he had opposed the agreement, but it had been made between the two railway companies, notwithstanding his opposition to it.
At an early stage of this session the council appointed a special committee to confer with the county solicitor as to what steps it would be advisable to take in view of the approaching combination of the two companies. The special committee, in their report, expressed their belief that the "pooling arrangement" about to be entered upon was owing to financial embarrassments, more especially on the part of the H. & N.-W. R. R. Company, which had led them to make the combination. On the part of the railway it was "a manifest violation of the promises and pledges publicly given to secure the bonuses in aid of their road." This "pooling arrangement" had been entered into by the H. & N.-W. R. R. without acquainting the council, or its representatives with its provisions. The committee looked on this as discourteous, to say the least, in view of the large amount of aid it had received from them, and the leniency that had been extended to it. Under the circumstances, they would not advise that any action should be taken. This decision was reached after they had submitted to their solicitor, D'Alton McCarthy, a series of five questions as to the agreement. His answers to these questions were printed in the minutes for that session, (June, 1879), and they show a firm grasp of the broad questions at issue.
With a view to smoothing the fuffled feeings of the councillors, F. W. Cumberland, the railway manager, addressed the council at this session on the nature of the agreement of uniom between the two companies. He set forth the advantages the agreement would have in the effective working of both railroads, and the "happy and beneficial results the county would experience by the union." He promised that if the tariff would not be reduced, it would not be increased.
The fair promises just mentioned pacified the indignant councillors for a brief time, but by the November session (1879) they were incensed more than ever, and the council now forwarded a memorial to the Provincial Secretary asking him to take action to compel the H. &. N.-W. R. R. Company to fulfil the conditions upon which governmental and municipal aid was granted to it. An increase of the tariff, notwithstanding the fair promises, had given so much dissatisfaction to a large portion of the county, that public indignation found vent at this session in more than one strong resolution. The committee on railways expressed their belief that the rates of the Northern Railway had not been increased since the amalgamation, but they regretted that the rates of the H. & N.-W. R. R. had been largely increased. They held several consultations with Mr. Cumberland, who mentioned that the rates were not higher than those of other railway companies.
At this session the Council sent a memorial to the Governor-General of Canada complaining of the amalgamation and the resulting higher rates. They asked the Government in this memorial to take steps to compel the H. & N.-W. R. R. Company to fulfil their original agreements, and also that the Railway Act of 1868 be in future enforced and made more stringent. Out of the Council's idignation and public disappointment over the amalgamation grew the bill for a railway commission which was so strongly advocated by D'Alton McCarthy at several sessions of the Dominion Parliament and did not become law in the shape he advocated until five years after his death. This subject, in consequence, is so important, containing as it does the germ of a measure of so much moment to the whole Dominion of Canada, that it deserves rather more than a passing notice in our sketch of this question.
In the printed Minutes for this same session (November, 1879), which largely took the form of an indignation meeting, there appeared the legal opinons of James MacLennan, Q.C., and of D'Alton McCarthy, Q.C., on the amalgamation of the two railways. They both disagreed with the judgment of Vice-Chancellor Blake dismissing the action in Campbell vs. The Northern Railway Company, and both denied any special powers the companies had to amalgamate.
In one way and another, the people of the county had contributed to the construction of the H. & N.-W. R. R. the handsome amount of $435,000 by way of bonus, largely through a desire to get a railway that would be in competition with the old Northern line and would be a safeguard against its exactions. Hence it was no wonder there was widespread indignation over the formation of the Railway trust. A deputation appointed to wait on the Dominion and Ontario Governments on the amalgamation reported, in June, 1880, that they learned neither of the Parliaments (Ottawa or Toronto) can or will give the relief required by the oppressed ratepayers. So in one sense, the plans to overcome the trust fizzled out.
The amalgamated railways found it convenient to do as they pleased in more ways than by raising the rates. In June, 1883, we find there was only one train each day running to Collingwood, (and that on freight time) along the branch railway from Beeton. The committee of the County Council charged to look into this matter, could find no authority in the agreements to compel the company to continue the passenger and freight trains. However, it was resolved that George M. Evans, (the warden), John Kelly, (the county's director), and Dr. Kirkland should make a deputation to wait on the managing director to give the usual train accommodation on the Collingwood branch.
In January, 1887, we also find that the H. & N.-W. R. R. ceased stopping their passenger trains at Victoria station (Vine), to the inconvenience of the public. The county's director was instructed to bring the matter before the railway board at the first meeting he should attend.
When the furore arising from the amalgamation began to subside, the railway company sent a petition (November, 1880) asking the county to surrender their stock to enable the railway company to change the gauge, and F. W. Cumberland addressed the County Council on the subject. While the council deplored the necessity for break of gauge and the existing barrier to commerce until the improvement should be made, and saw that a change of gauge would develop the county's resources, they would take no action on this occasion without getting further information.
Again in January, 1881, Col. Cumberland addressed the council in relation to the Railway Bill before the Dominion Parliament for powers to raise new capital to change the gauge and add equipment. The Hamilton Railway had been constructed with the standard gauge, and the new Ontario & Pacific Junction Railway under construction had it, so the old Northern had to fall into line. The council's committee on Railways reported on this petition that it was in the interest of this county that the Bills should become law, and they prepared a petition to be forwarded to the House of Commons on this subject. Yet the unpopularity of the railway with the council nearly resulted in the defeat of the committee's report, as it passed by only 27 to 20. The Bill passed the Dominion Parliament, and the gauge was changed in 1881.
On the death of Lieu.-Col. F. W. Cumberland, in 1881, the council expressed its regret in a resolution, referring to him as a gentleman whose labours had raised the Northern Railway from a mere wreck to be one of the best and most productive railways on the continent, and which had added much to the development and prosperity of this county. Walter Townsend succeeded him as manager of the Northern & North-Western Railway System for a short period, and afterward Mr. Barker succeeded Mr. Townsend.
An amalgamation or fusion of the N. & N.-W. R. R. and the Grand Trunk Railway being in contemplation as early as November, 1882, the County Council, smarting from the late fusion of the two local lines, expressed the opinion that if would be detrimental to the commercial and farming interests of the county, and sent "memorials" to the Dominion and Provincial Parliaments to prevent if possible the fusion of the railways. There was no further attempt at that time to bring about the amalgamation.
In January, 1887, the Northern, and Hamilton and North-Western Railway, the North Simcoe Railway, and the Pacific Junction R. R. Companies gave notice of their intention to apply to the Dominion Parliament for an Act to consolidate the companies. On this occasion the council's committee on railways were advised to guard the interests of the county, and they in turn instructed Mr. McCarthy, the county's solicitor, to watch proceedings in the House.
The next step was taken in January, 1888, when Mr. Barker, the Managing Director of the N. & N.-W. R. R. addressed the council on the amalgamation scheme of the N. & N.-W. R. R. with the Grand Trunk. The council thereupon empowered Wm. Ford, of England, or Wm. Lethbridge to act as proxy and to concur in behalf of the council in the transfer or amalgamation of the railways. The council also instructed their director to concur in the transfer of the railway to the Grand Trunk Company, when it should come before the Northern Railway Board on January 26. The Grand Trunk thus assumed the N. & N.-W. R. R. system in January, 1888.
As large bonus assistance had been given by the different municipalties in Canada toward building railways, and as uniform rates fixed to suit different localities were of the greatest importance, the County Council, in November, 1882, memorialized the Dominion Government to pass the Act introduced by Daltn McCarthy at the previous session of Parliament. As already stated, Mr. McCarthy's Bill had its origin in the woeful experience of Simcoe County with railways, the experience which had just been sketched in this chapter. The object of the Bill as at first introduced was to provide a means whereby the rates and freight charges made by the different railroads in the Dominion could be assimilated, and exhorbitant rates regulated. Mr. McCarthy urged this measure with all his power, but it did not pass immediatedly.
As a result of his efforts, however, at the next session of Parliament there was passed an important measure entitled "An Act further to amend The Consolidated Railway Act, 1879, and to declare certain lines of railway to be works for the general advantage of Canada." This Act was an important step in the regulation of Canadian railways, and was assented to May, 1883, as 46 Vict., chap. 24.
The important feature of this Act was the declaration that railways were works for the general advantage of Canada, because in a sense it was an assumption of Canadian railways for the general good. Aid had been granted by this county, and the various minor municipalities within it, to the extent of about $800,000 in bonuses, not to speak of the stock taken for the first railway built. By means of this $800,000, the construction of the following railways had been secured:--
This aid had been granted on the understanding that the railways would continue as independent lines. Following the passage of this Railway Act of 1883, the County Council passed a resolution in June, 1884, to the effect that the assumption of the railways by the Federal Parliament gives this county and minor municipalities a just claim to have the money refunded by the Dominion Government. Whether the Railway Act would warrant the sweeping interpretation here made, is perhaps open to question. But the fact remains that this was the view adopted by the council, and at a subsequent session (January, 1885) the warden of the year (Robert Paton, of Sunnidale,) was instructed to represent this county at Ottawa, to co-operate with delegates from other counties to urge the claims of municipalities which had granted bonuses, for a recoupment of the monies.
The proposal to regulate the rates on railways did not end with the Act of 1883, at least so far as Mr. McCarthy was concerned, and the County Council gave him some support from time to time along the lines which he was following. They deemed the monopoly which the great railways have of the carrying trade of the country to be detrimental to the agricultural interests, and in January, 1885, sent a memorial to the House of Commons asking it to pass an Act to assimilate the freight and passenger rates of the different railways. Again, in November, 1885, the council sent another memorial to the House of Commons to pass some measure to equalize the rates of the different railways.
The Dominion Government in 1886 yielded to the agitation far enough to appoint a Royal Commission to enquire into and report on the advisability of appointing a permanent Railway Commission to regulate railway matters. Thereupon, the County Council in November, 1886, passed a resolution to voice their opinion that it is very desirable and in the public interest that a permanent Railway Commission should be established by the Government.
Again, in January, 1887, the council invited the Commissioners who were making the investigation to extend their enquiries to points on the Northern and North-Western Railway System, and to hold meetings at prominent places on the system to get testimony. On considering the best means of procuring evidence and bringing it before the Railway Commissioners, the council at its next session recommended that the reeves of the various municipalities furnish the warden with the names of one or more persons who can give valuable evidence, before June 25, 1887. This course was pursued, and much evidence obtained by the Commissioners.
The Railway Act of 1888 was the outcome of the Commissioners' report, but the Act did not satisfy the advocates of a permanent Commission, and another memorial was sent by the County Council to the House of Commons in June, 1889. It pointed out that the same objections and difficulties still existed which existed before the Railway Act of 1888 was passed. The work of the Commissioners had not resulted in forming a permanent, independent tribunal, but the Privy Council Committee still continued to deal with railway complaints, and this petition asked for the appointment of a commission independent of the Privy Council Committee.
Various other efforts at re-opening the question were made from time to time, but without success. It was not until 1903, (five years after Mr. McCarthy's death), that the Railway Commission was appointed along the lines he had been advocating, and which had their origin in his experience of the ups and downs of railway amalgamation in this county.
It was not long after the public indignation over the railway amalgamation had subsided, and the fervent resolve had been made by many persons to make railways generally "come to time," till an opportunity arose of testing the new doctrine. Yet it shows how helpless the public were in those days in any contest with the railways, when it is recalled that it was not until after eight years of agitation that success was achieved in the particular case referred to. The matter rose in the following way.
Early in the year 1882, the subject of dangerous crossings received some attention from the County Council. The railway track at a level crossing in Allandale was used as a shunting yard by the railroad company and the crossing was considered to be unsafe to the travelling public. Persons had been killed there, and it came to be looked upon as a particularly dangerous crossing. By November, 1882, it is reported, as a result of some correspondence on the subject, that at this time the Northern Railway were considering the question of placing a man at the dangerous Allandale crossing with a flag to flag the trains and warn travellers of their approach. On instructions from the council, the clerk again, (in November), requested the railway company to place the crossing in a safer condition. Nothing came of the request, and two years later, (November, 1884), the N. &. N.-W. R. R. was again requested to place some protection for the public.
One of the moving spirits in this agitation for some years about this time was C. H. Rose, who was reeve of Barrie while these efforts at securing protection were made. Nothing having come of the last request, a special committee of the County Council was named in November, 1885, to interview the manager, Mr. Barker, and ascertain if the railway company intended to give proper protection to the travelling public at the crossing. When the deputation waited upon the railway company, it refused to give the public the protection necessary. The only remedy now left was to lay the grievance before the railway committee at Ottawa. But before doing so the chairman of the council's railway committee was authorized, as a last resort, to lay the matter before the railway manager again, but the company again declined to place a man with flags at the dangerous crossing to prevent accidents. On reporting their attitude to the council in June following, the chairman was instructed to urge upon the company the need of making provision for the safety of the public at the place, and in the event of a refusal a deputation was appointed to place the matter before the Railway Committee of the Privy Council. It does not appear that anything further was done at this time, and the absorption of the N. & N.-W. R. R. system by the Grand Trunk intervened.
In January, 1889, the question of this crossing so long in dispute, again came up. The chairman of the council's railway committee was instructed to write to the general manager of the G.T.R. and bring before his notice the dangerous condition of the crossing and the necessity of placing some protection at it. The chairman wrote as he was instructed, and it resulted in a conference with the railway officials, but they refused to comply with the request unless the county would bear a portion of the expense, which Mr. Stewart, the chairman, referred to, thought the county had no right to do. Col. Tyrwhitt, M.P. for South Simcoe, was now requested to bring the matter before the Railway Committee of the Privy Council. That committee decided to take the matter up, and in January, 1890, asked that the complaint be put in proper form, and later they appointed a day for the hearing of the case, through Col. Tyrwhitt. Each municipality interested sent a representative, viz., the County, Innisfil Township and Barrie,--and Col. Tyrwhitt accompanied the deputation to Ottawa. They secured the object for which they had been appointed, the Railway Committee having ordered the G.T.R. to place gates at the crossing within a month. Gates were thereupon placed at the crossing, and since that time a gatekeeper with a flag protects the travellers on the approach of a train.
The separation of Mono and Mulmur townships from Simcoe County, after many years of connection with it, brought up the question of selling the Northern Railway stock, in November, 1881. An offer from Mr. Pepler of 30 cents on the dollar was not accepted, and it was thereupon advertised for sale by public tender at an upset price of 40 cents on the dollar, but the council received no bid. On the withdrawal of Mono and Mulmur to form part of Dufferin County, they were given their share of the £40,000 (sterling) stock, leaving in the hands of Simcoe County, £36,276 (sterling).
In January, 1883, Innisfil Township Council asked for their portion of the Northern Railway stock held by the county. But the County Council considered that it would tend to depreciate the value of the stock to divide it among the different municipalities, and did not grant the request.
In July, 1904, a sale of the railway stock was finally made through brokers at 14 3/8 cents on the dollar. The £36,276 thus realized to the county by the sale, the sum of $24,757.84, on July 20, 1904, and in this way passed out of the county's hands the $200,000 stock which had been such a bone of contention for 54 years, and on which the county had never realized from the railway company a cent of dividend or interest.
OTHER RAILWAY LINES
In bonuses and in stock subscribed to the old Northern, the people of this county, through their municipal councils, contributed more than $1,000,000 toward the construction of its railways at one time or another. Accordingly, no apology is needed for dwelling in a third chapter on some of the remaining facts in connection with this important subject.
The Peterborough and Port Hope Railway Company was originally incorporated in 1847, but did not construct any railway until sometime years afterward. The name of the company was changed to that of the "Port Hope, Lindsay and Beaverton Railway Company" by an Act passed December 18, 1854, as 18 Vic. c. 36, and under this new name it operated for some years, and constructed its line as far north as Beaverton. By another Act passed December 24, 1869, as 33 Vic. c. 31, , its name was still further changed to the "Midland Railway," and it was given power by the same Act to extend its line from Beaverton to a harbour on Georgian Bay.
Beginning with this last named statute for making the change of name, no less than ten Acts resepecting the Midland Railway were passed by the Ontario Legislature up to 1882, (or one at almost every session), not to mention numerous Acts before and since that period. This statute of March 10, 1882, just mentioned, brought about the consolidation of six smaller lines under the name of the "Midland Railway of Canada." Perhaps no other railway, in relation to its size, has required so much legislation as this one, which has also operated under four different names.
After the construction of its line to Georgian Bay, the Midland Railway Company failed to fence the track, although directed by statute to do so. In consequence of its neglect, the killing of horses and other farm stock was of frequent, if not of daily, occurrence. The County Council, in January, 1880, complained to the Legislative Assembly that the railway company did not attempt to replace or liquidate the losses, and it besought the Assembly to compel the company to fence the line at once.
The extension of the Northern line to Orillia and beyond, from its point of departure on Lake Simcoe at Barrie, was undertaken in 1869. A.J. Alport, W.D. Ardagh and 45 others petitioned the Ontario Legislature for an Act of Incorporation, and the Act was finally passed December 24, 1869, as "An Act to Incorporate the Toronto, Simcoe and Muskoka Junction Railway Company," 33 Vic., chapt. 30. What would now be regarded as a small capital for a railway, viz., $250,000, was named in the Act as the capital stock of the company.
The list of 47 charter members of the company is itself of historic interest, as it contains a considerable number of the monied men of that time in this county, or those who were financially interested in it, they were: A.J. Alport, W.D. Ardagh, Noah Barnhart, G.L. Beardmore, A.H. Browning, Hugh M. Clarke, Henry Creswicke, A.P. Cockburn, Dalrymple Crawford, Fred. Cumberland, M. Davis, Wm. G. Deacon, N. Dickey, A.P. Dodge, Wm. Elliot, R.J. Griffith, Wm. Hamilton, Robert Hay, C. Harvie, Alex. Henderson, W.H. Howland, Robert Leadlay, Wm. Lount, David Morrow, Thos. McConkey, J.D. Merrick, A.R. McMaster, Donald McKay, Hon. J. McMurrich, Angus Morrison, F.H. Medcalf, G. Perceval Ridout, R.J. Reekie, D.L. Sanson, Robert Simpson, John Steele, Frank Smith, Thomas Smith, Robert Spratt, S.B. Harman, J. Teviotdale, D. Thurston, John Turner, John Wallis, Robert Walker, Robert Wilkes, and John World.
The construction and opening of this Muskoka branch of the Northern took place in 1870. Another Act to amend the original charter was passed February 15, 1871, as 34 Vic. chap. 53, by which the company could mortgage its line to the extent of $9,000 a mile. Prior to the formation of this company, there had been a company chartered on January 23, 1869, by 32 Vic. chap. 80, but it does not appear to have accomplished anything.
The Muskoka Branch was completed in November, 1871.
For the construction of a railway from Barrie to Penetanguishene, the Ontario Legislature passed, on March 24, 1874, as 37 Vic. chap. 54, "An Act to Incorporate the North Simcoe Railway Company." The charter members of the company were: Alexander Manning, A.A. Thompson, H.H. Thompson, George Copeland, Wm. Moore Kelly, H.E. Jeffery, James Saurin McMurray, Thomas Richard Fuller, and Chas. Beck. A further Act to amend the chartering Act just mentioned, was passed December 21, 1874, as 38 Vic. chap. 53, and gave power to the company to extend the line from Vespra to some point on the line of the Toronto, Grey and Bruce Railway, or the Northern Railway, or any railway in York or Peel counties.
The first time the County Council of Simcoe took definite steps in support of the N. S. Railway was in the following March, (1875), at a special session, when it resolved that the condition on which it would relinquish the Northern Railway stock ($200,000) as a bonus to the N. S. Railway was that it would be constructed from Penetanguishene to connect with the Northern Railway in King or with the Toronto, Grey and Bruce Railway (the "Narrow Gauge Line") in Albion Township. Again, in January, 1876, the County Council passed a resolution of confidence in the North Simcoe Railway, but did nothing substantial to aid it. This was doubtless because of the prevailing distrust in railways generally, the H. & N.-W. R. R. being delinquent in the construction of its line about this same period.
By this time the minor municipalities through which the N. S. Railway line was surveyed had contributed largely to it by way of bonuses. Flos gave a bonus of $25,000, and Tiny, one of $50,000. In connection with the bonuses given by these two townships, a substantial difficulty arose. They did not make the levy necessary to meet the payment of their debentures, which fell due in 1894, so just prior to that time, it became necessary for the townships to apply to the Ontario Legislature for special Acts to enable them to issue new debentures and take up the old ones.
In October, 1876, James Saurin McMurray, of Toronto, President of the North Simcoe Railway, addressed the County Council in reference to the affairs of the railway, showing the utility and practicability of a central railway through the county. The council thereupon transmitted a memorial to the Lieutenant-Governor in Council praying that aid be granted to it, but carefully avoided the giving of any aid themselves. The most difficult portions of the line had by this time been constructed ready for receiving the rails. The Chief Engineer of the N. S. Railway was John Dickinson, who compiled and issued a map of this county in 1878, giving the routes of the various new railway lines that had been constructed in this period of railway building activity.
The Ontario Government moved slowly in the matter of giving aid to the N. S. Railway, so the County Council, in January, 1877, again sent a memorial to the Lieutenant-Governor praying that aid be granted to the company, as had been granted to other railways in new sections of the country. And as no aid came, the council renewed its appeal to the same in January, 1878. By the last named date, a lease of the N. S. Railway had been made to the Northern Railway Company.
Upon the completion of the N. S. R. R. the management and officials of the N. R. R. gave the County Council, at the time of its January session, 1879, a trip along the line, and the council of Penetanguishene gave them a public reception on their arrival there. Dr. Spohn made a vigorous effort at this same session of the County Council to get the $200,000 stock surrendered to the railway company, on condition that they should change the gauge, and that the council should still nominate a director of the railway company, but the council decided not to surrender it. The first regular trains were run on the North Simcoe Railway in February, 1879.
Soon after the opening of the North Simcoe Railway in 1879, a branch was projected from Elmvale to Hillsdale. When the Flos Lumber Company applied to the Ontario Legislature for a Bill of Incorporation for the proposed tramway, the County Council, in January, 1880, memorialized the Legislature against it, "because it would be to detrimental to the interests of the people." The company asked extraordinary powers, and if allowed to build the road, the council claimed it would prove a monopoly. The council asked that the Bill be not allowed to pass unless the tariff of the company for freight and passengers be the same per mile as that of the North Simcoe and Northern Railways.
The Legislature, however, passed the "Act to incorporate the Flos Tramway Company," March 5, 1880. This Act authorized the construction of the tramway from near Elmvale station to Orr Lake, and onward to Hillsdale. The charter members of the company consisted of Wesley F. Orr, B. B. Osler, E. B. Osler, and Robert Cochran.
The opening of a line of the Canadian Pacific Railway through the county in recent years was an event of importance in railway affairs, but it did not affect the people so closely as did some of the other railway projects of former years, as it was built without municipal aid from the parts through which it passed. In fact, it was built without either municipal or government aid, and was a short line from Toronto to connect with the main line of the C. P. R. near Sudbury. This line was opened as far as Bala, on Lake Muskoka, in 1907, and completed to Sudbury in June, 1908. A large bridge in Vespra Township near Midhurst is one of the largest trestleworks of its kind in existence.
A new route to the north and west, the Canadian Northern Ontario Railway, was opened through a small portion of this county at the northeast in November, 1906, the part crossed being for about twelve miles from Washago to the Severn Rivers, across parts of the townships of North Orillia and Matchedash. This line was at first known as the James Bay Railway, and the first portion opened for traffic at the time mentioned was from Toronto to Parry Sound.
CANALS
The much talked of Georgian Bay Canal,--the object of so much long-continued agitation,--has never been realized, unless we regard as part of it the Newmarket Canal, which has been so much in evidence within the last few years. As already stated in Chapt. XIV. of this volume, the earliest attempt, in 1836, at forming a chatered company to build a line of communication across the narrow part of this Province, from Toronto to Georgian Bay, specified a railway or canal to Lake Simcoe and a canal for the remainder of the way. This did not result in anything. A period of silence ensued during which railway construction obscured canals, but the project was revived, and the Toronto and Georgian Bay Canal Company was incorporated in 1856 under 19 and 20 Vic. c. 118.
Prior to its incorporation, at a special meeting of the Simcoe County Council im August, 1855, the Council had granted £100 toward making a survey of the contemplated canal, which was to connect the waters of the Upper Lakes with Lake Ontario and the seaboard. The shipment of large timber to the seaboard for ship building was then the chief consideration, as this county was finely wooded, but with the construction of iron and steel vessels at a later day, and the removal of the forests, this consideration came to nought. The survey for the canal had not been completed at October, 1856, from lack of funds, but in the following January, the secreatry of the Toronto Board of Trade sent the Engineer's Report on the survey, yet the County Council did not make any further grant to it at that time.
The preliminary report of the engineer contained plans and estimates of the undertaking. It placed the cost at from $21,000,000 to $35,000,000, according to the route chosen, the report outling four routes which might be followed. While tools and machinery might cost less to-day than they would have cost in 1857, and be more efficient, it is equally true that the price of labour has increased, and the engineer's estimates for that day could not be lessened in any calculation of what the canal might cost at the present time. For a time, Kivas Tully was engineer of the proposed canal, and at a later time, Thomas C. Keefer also made a report on the project.
In January 1859, Rowland Burr, the promoter of the undertaking, addressed the County Council on the Georgian Bay Canal, and the council at this meeting forwarded a memorial on the subject to the Legislative Assembly. The charter would expire shortly, and it was necessary to make a start. The warden called a county public meeting for April 3, 1860, to urge upon the Government and the Legislature the claims of the canal. The meeting adopted a series of resolutions, and as a result of the agitation the Government granted £500 toward a survey, or the completion of the survey already undertaken.
From the first appearance of Mr. Rowland Burr before the County Council, as above mentioned, to address them on the subject of the canal, down to recent times, the councillors were addressed more than a dozen times on this project, by different advocates, chiefly by Mr. Burr, by Fred C. Capreol, and last of all by A.E. Macdonald, some time Mayor of Toronto. Mr. Burr again addressed the council in June, 1861, and the ususal memorial to the Legislative Assembly followed. In October, of the same year, the council granted $500 for the use of their Special Committee on the subject, and the matter than dropped out of sight for three or four years, the $500 not being handed over to the Canal Company's treasurer until October, 1865.
In January, 1865, a Special Committee of the County Council memorialized the Legislative Assembly for a grant of land to aid the undertaking. At a conference held in Toronto previous to this time, it had been proposed to transfer the railroad stock to the Canal Company, so the Simcoe County Council at this session passed a by-law to sell £47,000 of the stock to the Toronto and Georgian Bay Canal Company, as it was called. The City of Toronto itself, however, not having carried out the agreement to give their stock in the Northern Railway to the Canal Company, the Simcoe Council, in June, 1865, repealed its by-law of the previous session (No. 140). The boring of the "Ridges" for tests was spoken of, and an engineer employed for the purpose.
By the year 1865, some of the persons incorporated as the memebers and directors of the Canal Company had died, others had departed and removed their residence out of the Province, others had become unable to act as provisonal directors, and a majority of the remainder were desirous of being relieved from their office. Under these circumstances, an new Act to amend the original Act of incorporation was introduced in Parliament by Thomas R. Ferguson, the member for South Simcoe and Warden of the County, and a new list of charter members and provisional directors was inserted in it. This Act, which was assented to September, 18, 1865, gave power to the company to extend its capital stock to $40,000,000, and also changed the name of the company to the "Huron and Ontario Ship Canal Company."
New life having been infused into the project, the Simcoe County Council accepted the invitation of the President of the Canal Company to Toronto on January, 31, 1866, to discuss the prospects of the work with York County Council and the Toronto Council. In January, 1867, F.C. Capreol presented the Simcoe Council with a print of the first breaking of land for the canal, and the council at the same session memorialized the Government to make a grant of land in aid of its construction. From this time onward these "memorials" to the Government became almost periodical, and were always unsuccessful, but Mr. Capreol persevered and frequently addressed the County Council in those years, his address being generally followed by the usual "memorial" to the Government.
Another stir was made, and F.C. Capreol, (the president of the company), Warren Kennedy, and others addressed the County Council in June, 1874. The council, as usual, sent a memorial, recommending a canal for vessels drawing not less than 14 feet of water; and they asked the Government to grant 10,000,000 acres of land needed by the company for raising the capital required. "An Act respecting the Huron and Ontario Ship Canal Company" was passed December 21, 1874, by the Ontario Legislature, as 38 Vic. c. 34, and related to the passing of by-laws by municipalities in aid of the canal.
The next step of any importance was in January, 1878, when the County Council granted $100 to the canal directorate to keep an office open for the information of capitalists and others, on condition that York County Council and Toronto City Council would contribute similar amounts (which they did). In January, 1879, Mr. Capreol's periodical appeal to the council had a slight variation. This time he submitted "drawings, plans, photos, etc.," with references to hydraulic lift-lock power, requiring only 12 locks, instead of 48 for the canal as originally, and at about one-half of the original estimate of cost. The usual "memorial" went to the Legislative Assembly, as the result.
In November, 1879, the council sent a memorial to the Ontario Government asking them to set apart a sufficient sum (say $10,000) in the estimates to complete a re-survey of the canal. A re-survey had become necessary from recent improvements in the working and construction of canals. Probably the last time Mr. Capreol addressed the council on the subject was in January, 1882, when he spoke at great length, strongly advocating the claims of the canal. His appeals had now become pathetic, and the council which had hitherto been in the habit of sending "memorials" to the Ontario Government, although the Dominion Government had in charge the subject of canals, with a Minister of Canals, now divested itself of any trace of partiality and memorialized both the Ontario and Dominion Governments for grants of land in aid of the scheme.
The final act in the canal drama came in June, 1883, when the council approved of the proposed hydraulic lift-lock, and spoke well of Mr. Capreol. It again memorialized the Dominion and Provincial Governments for grants of land, but a clause granting $100 to Mr. Capreol was struck out of the committee's report, and the curtain falls.
Ten years afterward, the project was resurrected, and E.A. Macdonald, of Toronto, addressed the County Council in January, 1894, on the need for a canal and aqueduct, the water power scheme having been attached to the revived canal project to give it a new form. The council approved of the plan, made a report on the matter, and sent copies of their report to the Dominion and Ontario Parliaments. There was considerable agitation in the newspapers about this time, but the project fell more quickly than on former occasions.
As early as 1822, the Lieutenant-Governor in Council recognized the importance of a line of communication between Lake Simcoe and the eastern parts of Upper Canada by employing Captain MacCaulay in the half-pay of the Royal Engineers to survey and make a report of the water communications to the Bay of Quinte. (Dom. Archives Report, 1897, State Papers, U.C., p. 148.) Various schemes were proposed for the improvement of navigation at different parts of the route from time to time after the survey above mentioned, and some of them carried into effect, especially the construction of locks at places of importance.
The proposed Trent Canal as a Government undertaking comes up for the first time in November, 1879, when D'Alton McCarthy, M.P., sent to the County Council certain parliamentary papers relative to the subject. In response, the council expressed its belief that the scheme was a feasible and important one, especially if (as was stated) the route chosen be by way of Nottawasaga Bay, and they memorialized the House of Commons to open the canal, the cost having been estimated at less than $3,000,000. An amendment to omit recommending Nottawasaga Bay as the terminus was voted down by 15 to 27. The amalgamation of the Northern and Hamilton railways a short time before, was what had given an impetus to the canal project.
A silence on the part of the legislators then ensues until 1884, when a large deputation waited upon Sir Charles Tupper, the Minister of Railways and Canals, on February 5, and submitted a written petition in behalf of the undertaking. The delegates represented twelve counties along the line of the proposed canal route. Sir. Chas. Tupper informed them that he had already appointed an engineer to examine into the survey and make a very minute estimate of costs, etc. Simcoe was represented on that occasion, and the councils of 1885 and 1886 sent memorials to the House of Commonos asking for the advancement of the canal. The Dominion Government passed an Order-in-Council on October 8, 1887, authorizing the appointment of a Commission of Enquiry to examine and report on the question of the expediency of extending the Trent Valley navigation. Under date of December 17, 1890, the Commissioners made a report embodying the results of their investigations, and as a further enquiry was deemed necessary, the Commission was continued in office.
The carrying on of the agitation was in the hands of an organization called the Trent Valley Navigation Association, and to this Association in January, 1888, the Simcoe County Council granted $500 on condition that other counties should vote similar sums. In January, 1891, the County Council appointed a deputation consisting of the warden (Jonathan Sissons), T.S. Graham, and J.L. Burton, to visit Ottawa with deputations from other places along the route of the canal to press on the Government the importance of continuing the construction of the canal. Thereupon an appropriation of $5,000 was made at the session of the House of Commons for the surveys of the sections proposed to be put under contract, viz., from Rice Lake to Balsam Lake. Some time later, the contracts for the construction of these portions were awarded, into the details of which it is not necessary to enter, the origin of the undertaking having now been sketched. With the opening of the lift-lock at Kirkfield, formally, on July 6, 1907, navigation was then completed from Lake Simcoe as far as Rice Lake.
OLD ELECTIONS AND PARLIAMENTARY REPRESENTATION
During the existence of the Ninth Parliament of Upper Canada, Simcoe was set apart as a separate constituency for parliamentary purposes, and the first elcetion to fill the seat was held in July, 1828. Wm. B. Robinson was the candidate of the Family Compact in this election, his opponent being John Cawthra, of Newmarket. There was but one polling place for the whole constituency--At Holland Landing--the returning officer was George Lount; and the poll was kept open for a week. An amusing incident is related of this political struggle which may be recorded as an example of the events that were wont to happen at elections in those days. It appears that Robinson kept an open house at Phelp's tavern for the purpose of furnishing gratuitous eating and drinking to the free and independent electors--especially those who supported him. Cawthra, it is said, did the same in one on the houses at Johnson's Landing. A soldier, who had received for his services in the Peninsular campaign a grant of land somewhere back in the county, and had settled on it, came out on Monday morning to vote and took up his quarter's at Robinson's booth in Phelp's tavern. After feasting there all week at Robinson's expense, and making himself generally conspicuous by his noise, he started off on Saturday, the last day of the election, to the polling place, followed by a crowd of loafers and others, many of them half-intoxicated, but all anxious to see how he would vote, as vote by ballot had not yet been introduced. The voting took place at a wicket, quite high above the ground, and approached by a small stairway leading up to a platform in front of it. After voting, the elector descended another stairway leading down to the other side. The Peninsular veteran mounted this rostrum and presented himself at the wicket. Having been asked by the returning officer how he voted, he replied:--"I vote on this," throwing down the patent deed on his land at the same time. with a flourish. "But which candidate do you vote for?" "Cawthra," was the answer made in a loud voice. Then arose a fierce outcry from the gang of loafers on the ground below, and he stood in great danger of getting hauled down from the rostrum and mobbed, because he had feasted at the expense of one candidate and voted for the other. But turning to the crowd in a hurry, he made the following oration: "Gintlemin! I sarved under Wellington in the Peninsoolar, Moi gineral larnt me to faste on moi inimies, and be d--d if I haven't done it." After this explanation, the pensioned veteran was allowed to return home in safety.
At this famous election, the first ever held for the County of Simcoe, Cawthra was elected by the narrow majority of nine votes.
Those who contested the county at the subsequent general elections, down to the Rebellion of 1837, are given in the following list.
Sir F.B. Head dissolved the Upper Canadian Assembly, May 28, 1836; the new elections commenced on June 20, and were to be concluded on June 27. In the House of Assembly just dissolved, consisting of sixty-two members, the Reformers had a majority of eleven, but in the new House they were in a minority of twenty-five. The device of issuing patents to the settlers on condition that they would vote in this election against the party opposed to Sir Francis B. Head, is notorious, and has already been described in Chapter VI., (p. 54.)
Having been struck by the unusual number of patents issued by the Government to Medonte settlers in the latter part of May and the month of June, 1836, i.e.during the election contest, or just before the polling, the present writer made an estimate of the number, and found the issue of patents to be
In Nottawasaga, the record is equally damaging. From May 24th to the end of the month, the Government issued 86 patents in that township, besides 24 in the early part of June. It is not known how far these were for actual settlers, and it would not be easy to ascertain at this day. But the writer has been unable to find more than about seventy families in Nottawasaga at this time, the list being given in the Appendix to the second volume, and yet the patents issued exceed the whole number of settlers. As a large proportion of the patents issued at this fraudulent time were to women (the settlers' wives, presumably), suspicions may be held as to most of the lot. The issuing of so large a number of patents to women in Nottawasaga in May, 1836, just before the election, had doubtless a significance in connection with the approaching contest. To say the least they have a "fishy" look, many of them being in the first and second concessions.
The Government also issued a few extra patents in Oro, Vespra and Sunnidale about this time (May and June, 1836), obviously with the same intention, but not to the same conspicuous extent as in Medonte and Nottawasaga. The fraudulent tactics accomplished the work intended, viz., the defeat of Samuel Lount, who was not favourable to Sir F.B. Head, and there was a short-lived success of the Family Compact, for the time, but the rebellion at the end of the following year, although suppressed, ultimately resulted in the dispersal of the Compact.
Since the troubles of 1837 in Upper Canada, there have been many family compacts in Canadian public life. Nearly every county has furnished its example, in which someone in authority has worked into offices all his uncles, nephews, cousins, and other relatives, and the public conscience has grown hardened by the spectacle. People now take this as a matter of course, and pay no great heed now-a-days to what they repudiated strongly in 1837 and within the next three or four years afterward.
The pathetic story of Samuel Lount's defeat is told so tersely by W.L. Mackenzie that it is worth while reprinting it in this place.
"The case of Samuel Lount, who was goaded into rebellion and hanged for high treason." From Lindsey's Life of W.L. Mackenzie. Vol. 1, page 394.
The general election for the first parliament of the United Provinces was held in the spring of 1841, the union having been formally proclaimed February 10th of that year. As in almost every other constituency throughout the country, the election in Simcoe was attended with great excitement. The candidates were Captain Elmes Steele, of Medonte, and Wm. B. Robinson. Barrie was the only polling place for the whole constituency of Simcoe, it being the first election ever held in the town; and in full keeping with the imperfect voting facilities of that time the poll was kept open for a week. Whiskey was an important factor in the contest, and much of the turbulence may be traced to its influence. It is related that the shouting of the men, as they came and went on their way to the polling place, in sleighloads, could be heard along the leading roads to a distance of several miles. The scenes at the polling booth appear to have been much less peaceable and harmonious than those of later years under the ballot system, for pushing, pulling, and fighting were indulged in to no end. Sometimes one party gained possession of the polling place, and sometimes the other, keeping its opponents from exercising the franchise freely.
An amusing story in connection with this election is related of Charles McBeth, one of the early settlers of West Gwillimbury, who undertook to prepare several hundred cudgels for belligerent purposes. One of his neighbours, John Rose, went into the woodyard of a Barrie Tavern, and found McBeth at the woodpile busily engaged in making these cudgels. Rose asked what he was doing there, and upon being informed, urged him to desist. McBeth, however, replied in the coolest possible manner that "he did not know but that all the cudgels would be needed before the election was over."
The late John McKay of Toronto, recorded his recollections thus: "The greatest election of all was the Steele and W.B. Robinson election, which was held in Barrie. The crowd there was immense; the Robinson party wore badges, and took possession of the polling place. They seemed to be the strongest party for two or three days, but on Thursday a strong force of Steele's men came from Thorah and Eldon, holding up a great flag, with large letters, "Thorah all for Steele." There was a great giant holding the flag, and waving it over the ribbon men's heads, forced the way up to the polling place; and from that out Steele led the poll. This great man's name was Cameron. Friday morning you could pick up badges by the dozen, on the street. Captain Irving, of Yonge Street, was one of Steele's great men. He drove a four-horse team backward and forward from Yonge Street to Barrie, and always heavily loaded. I remember the sleighing was good."
As already stated, the election on that occasion was attended with great excitement. At the polling booth in Barrie, the voting lasted for an entire week (beginning on Monday, March 8, 1841); while the marching, counter-marching, and drunken brawling at that election would be appalling to the modern citizen. An amusing story is told of the design on one of the Steele banners. The candidates name was Elmes or "Elm" Steele; and so to make the words inteligible to every one, drunk or sober, a banner was inscribed, on which was pictured a woodman's axe. The handle denoted "Elm," while the axe itself was "Steel;" and the two parts signified the inscription underneath: "Elmes Steele, the Backwoodsman's Friend."
His name gave rise to one of the election "poems" of the time, in much the same way as the inscription on the banner just mentioned:
At the polls in those days there was always a great deal of violence. Making a comparison between the elections of the forties and those of the eighties, Sir Francis Hincks ("Reminiscences of My Public Life," p. 133,) gives his opinion thus: "The influence of money has been to a great extent substituted for that of force." Lieutenant-Colonel William E. O'Brien has given some interesting reminiscences of the Steele-Robinson election in his "Early Recollections," which appeared in the Barrie Gazette of January, 4, 1899, and also in Pioneer Papers (No. 1, p. 25) of the Simcoe County Pioneer and Historical Society. In both of these papers he recalls how, at the request of county magistrates for military aid, a detachment of the regular regiment then stationed in Toronto was sent up and quartered at Kempenfeldt, but their services were not required.
The occasion furnished, as it has been seen, a theme on which those inclined to poetical composition could produce some of their effusions. The most extensive production of this kind that has come under the writer's notice, was one beginning "Bill Robinson, poor Bill, Bill," and purporting to be a song of sympathy with him over his defeat by Steele. It may be of interest to readers of to-day to give the doggerel as it has been recited to us by an aged settler. It is not given here for its literary value, or elevated style, but to illustrate the life of a period.
(Tune: "John Anderson, My Jo, John.")
By sturdy old Reformers, Bill Robinson, poor Bill, Bill, Also the Durham races, Bill, You banished Rolph and Bidwell brave, But now those times are altered, Bill,
The metre is the same as that of "John Anderson, my Jo, John," and the rhyme, as in this class of literacy product generally, had an attraction for the primitive mental life of the people here as well as elsewhere.
Although on this occasion Captain Steele was the successful candidate, the heavy expenses incurred in the contest so completely resulted in his financial ruin that he never recovered from the blow, and at the next general election held in 1844 he was not a candidate for re-election. He had been elected as a Baldwin Reformer, but one account states that he gave only a wavering support to the Reform Party. However this may be, Captain Steele was a man who possessed much independence of character, worked well in the interests of the county during his term in Parliament, and was disposed to deal with each public question, as it arose, entirely on its merits rather than along strict party lines. This course might not please partisan critics whose first thought would be of defection; but if he defected, it was on the ground of the merits of the particular question with which he was dealing. At all events, he was accused of broken faith with the Reform party and of having, after being two years in Parliament, transferred his support to the other party in the House of Assembly. In his later years he was always classed as a Baldwin Reformer.
At the next general election, held in September, 1844, which was for the second Union Parliament, there was a contest (whether mock or real is not obvious) between Wellesley Richey and Wm. B. Robinson, resulting in the election of the latter. A few weeks after his election, Mr. Robinson accepted (on December 20, 1844) the position of Inspector-General (an office known at a later time as Minister of Finance) in the new Draper ministry, and was re-elected on January 13, 1845, by his constituents. But within a few weeks, during the following session of the Assemnly, he resigned this office owing to difference of opinion on Mr. Draper's University Bill, which, after it was read a second time (March 18, 1845) was then dropped.
In 1846, more than a year after Mr. Robinson had resigned the Inspector-Generalship, he accepted the office of Chief Commissioner of Public Works in the Government. Upon seeking re-election by his constituents, he was again returned for this county. In one of these two last named bye-elections, he was opposed by William Hume Blake, but was successful, as stated. It was during his term of office in the Chief-Commissionership of Public Works that he effected the passage of the grants for the improvement of the Penetanguishene Road throughout the entire length of the county, as already described in chapter X. of this volume.
During the long term of his membership of Parliament, lasting from 1830 until 1857 (with the exception of the term, 1841-4, when Captain Steele was the member), the Hon. William Benjamin Robinson looked well after the interests of the county. He made a trip through parts of it in 1837 or about that time purposely to settle the vexed question as to the choice of the county town, or at any rate to satisfy himself what the choice should be. As Commissioner, he made the treaties with the Ojibway Indians for the lands east and north of Lake Huron (now Georgian Bay) and Lake Superior, in the year 1850. These were called the Robinson Treaties, and are now regarded as important transactions in the history of this Province. He was also the head of the Canada Company for a length of time, and occupied many responsible positions in the affairs of the country. He was married, but left no family, and his death took place about the year 1875.
Dissolution of the Second Parliament took place in June, 1848, and in the ensuing election Hon. W. B. Robinson was returned without opposition. The next election came on December 13 and 14, 1851, and Alfred Willson, of Bell Ewart, who had been a firm supporter of Mr. Robinson's until 1849, now became the Reform candidate; it having been only on the night previous to the day of nomination that opposition to Hon. Mr. Robinson was started. The requisition to Mr. Willson to become a candidate, printed in the Barrie Magnet of that time, shows the questions that were agitating the public mind on that occasion, viz., "the settlement of the Clergy Reserves, the Rectories repealed, the Court of Chancery abolished, law made cheap, and retrenchment in the public expenditure."
Mr. Robinson was again successful, and the state of the polls on that occasion may have some interest for modern readers:
In the Fourth Parliament which followed, the Representation Bill of 1853 gave the county two members, and accordingly, the county was divided for electoral purposes into the north and south ridings, continuing so divided down to the Redistribution of seats in 1882.
In the election for North Simcoe, which took place in 1854, James Sanson, of Orillia, was defeated by Angus Morrison. The vote was taken at Barrie, where all voters were entertained during their stay at the expense of the candidates, the polls being kept open for two days. The votes polled on that occasion were as follows:
Angus Morrison who was elected on this occasion was a brother of the Hon. J.C. Morrison, the President of the Northern Railway at that time, which may have assisted him to win the election, and in subsequent times he was mayor of Toronto for a term of three years, (1876-7-8).
The candidates at the general elections succeeding that of 1851 are given in the following list, the names of the successful ones being italicised.
North Simcoe was in 1882 divided into east and west ridings, the contests since then being as follows:
D'Alton McCarthy, the North Simcoe member, came into rather more than usual prominence throughout Canada in 1887, on account of an attack made in Parliament by Col. W.E. O'Brien, and emphatically seconded by Mr. McCarthy, respecting the Jesuit Estates Act of the Province of Quebec. That Province, before the Union of 1841, had misapplied the Jesuits' estates,--property destined for purposes of education--to other services. Many years afteward, this misappropriation came up for settlement, and the measure for redress passed by the Provincial Legislature of Quebec gave rise to the discussion above mentioned. Col. O'Brien's motion in the House of Commons received only thirteen votes.
It may be noticed in the above list that the Hon. W. B. Robinson, who had represented Simcoe County, or some part of it, for so many years, was defeated in 1857 in a "three-cornered" contest by Thomas R. Ferguson, the Reeve of Innisfil Township. In subsequent years, "Tom" Ferguson became noted for having a personal following of young men from Cookstown and its vicinity, who acquired the name of "Ferguson's Lambs" from their readiness to "baa-a-a-a" loudly in the public meetings when their political opponents were speaking. He himself perhaps had something to do with fixing the nickname of "Lambs" upon them more securely, as at a public meeting once, when they were "baa-ing" too loudly, he arose, waved his hand, and called to them, "Peace, my lambs," and there was silence after it. After Confederation, he chose to represent South Simcoe in the Ontario Legislature.
Since Confederation, in 1867, the different contests in this county for the Ontario Legislature have been as follows:
On the acceptance by Mr. Duff of the position of the Minister of Agriculture, in October, 1908, and seeking re-election by his constituents, he was returned without opposition.
For a period of ten or eleven years the Legislative Council, or Senate, as it is now called, was made elective. By an Act of 1856, (19 and 20 Vict. chap. 140), making the Legislative Council elective, the Saugeen Electoral Division was made to consist of the counties of Grey and Bruce, and the North Riding of Simcoe. The Midland Electoral Division was to consist of the North Riding of York, and the South Riding of Simcoe. Members were to be elected for eight years, but only twelve constituencies were to return members at the first elections to be held under the Act, in 1856, and twelve more every second year thereafter. The Saugeen Division was in the first group, but the Midland Division did not come into the list of elections until 1862, when the Hon. Wm. McMaster, of Toronto, was elected over Mr. Gamble, and represented the Division until Confederation, and then a new order of things came in.
In 1856, when the Legislative Council first became an elective body, the Hon. Jas. Patton contested successfully the Saugeen Division (Bruce, Grey and North Simcoe), against John McMurrich and Mr. Beaty. The Macdonald-Sicotte Ministry offered the Hon. Mr. Patton a seat in the Cabinet as Solicitor-General, West, but when he sought re-election from his constituents for the Saugeen District, May 1st, 1862, he was defeated by a majority of 769, by the Hon. John McMurrich, who held the position for the unexpired term of two years. David L. Macpherson (afteward Sir David) was then elected to represent the Saugeen District in the Legislative Council from 1864 until Confederation.
GENERAL COUNTY ADMINISTRATION The Formation of Simcoe County
As early as 1798, Simcoe came into existence as a distinct County, by the Act, 38 Geo. III., chap. 5. This Act created some new counties, one of which was Simcoe, but these were for military purposes, and related to enlistment; they were counties projected on paper rather than with an actual existence, being merely the division of the map of Upper Canada into shires with a Lieutenant for each shire. The military mapping or setting apart, in 1798, was a theoretical one so far as Simcoe was concerned, but it was the first distict separation of the county, from which the later separations sprang.
More definite boundaries were laid down for Simcoe County in 1821, most of its townships having been surveyed by that time. These definite boundaries appeared in the Act, 2 Geo. IV., 1st session, chap. 3.
Another Act in 4 Geo. IV., (2nd session), providing for elections for the Assembly, still further set apart Simcoe County "for better representation and registration of property." In accordance with this Act, Simcoe County obtained a Member of the Assembly at the next general election, and as elections then depended on a man's land deed, it was in accordance with this Act that George Lount of Holland Landing was appointed registrar for Simcoe in 1826 for the registration of land deeds.
The next step in the development of the county was the passage of an Act, 7 Wm. IV., chap. 32, (Maarch 4, 1837), by which the Legislature of Upper Canada set apart Simcoe District, naming the townships therein, and gave authority to raise £4,000 for the erection of a jail and court house. The next year, another Act, 1 Vict., (2nd session), chap. 39, gave authority for levying an additional tax on the ratepayers of the county, not to exceed 1d. in the pound, until the payment of the £4,000 should be completed. A further Act was passed in 1841, (4 and 5 Vict., chap. 78) to authorize a debt of £3,000 more, in addition to the former loan, as the earlier sum of £4,000 had not proved sufficient to erect the county buildings.
The Act of 1837 provided for the issue of a Proclamation by the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council "to declare the County of Simcoe to be a separate and distinct District." After the Court House and Jail had been erected, the Governor-General's Proclamation was duly issued on January 11, 1843, and Simcoe, thereafter, was a fully established new District. The officials appointed by the Government for the new District, were the following:--
These officials were appointed by the Baldwin Government. The game of politics was much the same in that day as at the present day. There had been a list of men prepared, ticketed and slated for the new offices, but there was a change of Government before the time came for appointing the officials, and the Baldwin Government took office in time to make the appointments. Then followed much disappointment on the part of those who had been expecting office in the new county. The Magistrates in Quarter Sessions were largely of the disappointed party, and threatened to make matters run otherwise than smoothly, but in course of time all difficulties were overcome, and the county's affairs began to proceed harmoniously.
Judge Gowan, afterwards Sir James R. Gowan, was a native of Ireland, having been born there in 1815. He came to Canada in 1832, entered the profession of law in Toronto, and while still a young man, received the appointment of Judge in the newly erected County of Simcoe. Thoughout his long career as a Judge, he proved to be a jurist of much ability, and acquired more than a county reputation. He gave amended particulars for the Divison Courts Act, framed under the direction of Sir John A. Macdonald, and on various occasions gave assistance to develop the growth of the other legal institutions of the country. After 40 years' service as Judge of the County, he resigned in 1883, and about a year later he was elevated to the Senate of Canada. In this position he became useful owing to his varied legal knowledge and experience. He took an active interest in the Codification of the Criminal Law in 1892, and in various other measures of importance. He resigned the Senatorship in 1907, and died March 18, 1909.
Up to the year 1872, Judge Gowan carried on, without aid, the arduous work of his judicial territory, which included the districts as far north as the French River. In October, 1872, the Government appointed a junior judge to assist him, in the person of John A. Ardagh, son of the Rev. S. B. Ardagh, who has been mentioned elsewhere in this work. Upon Judge Gowan's resignation as Senior Judge in September, 1883, Judge Ardagh was promoted to the postition of Senior Judge, and William F. A. Boys was appointed Junior Judge. When Judge Boys resigned in 1908, E. A. Wismer, of Essex, Ont., was appointed Junior Judge.
The County had not been in existence any length of time before an agitation arose to annex the part of West Gwillimbury called the "Old Survey" to the County of York. The agitation probably gained strength from the excessive cost of the new county buuildings and the crookedness in connection with the payment for them. Although the Holland River was a natural boundary, and a proper one to divide two counties, for some years the Simcoe District Council fought hard against dismemberment to the small extent of this corner of its territory.
In February, 1845, a petition was before Parliament to attach the above mentioned portion of West Gwillimbury south of the Holland River to the Home District. The Simcoe District Council viewed this as seriously injurious to its interest, and drew up a strong petition against the proposal. The Houes thereupon disallowed the measure.
After the undertaking by Simcoe in December, 1850, to subscribe for stock in the Northern Railway, and the prospect of an increase of the taxes, the question of separation again came up, and was a lively topic when the Simcoe County Council met in June, 1851. The advocates of separation represented that an impassable swamp separated this tract from the rest of the county. Although the Simcoe Council planked the main road through the tract during the same summer, the separation came into effect this time, and the strip of land was thereupon annexed to York County.
In settling the claim for the "Old Survey" set off from Simcoe at this time, some difficulty arose. The united counties of York, Ontario and Peel, which then formed the York County Council, appointed John W. Gamble as their arbitrator, while Simcoe County Council, in June, 1853, appointed the Hon. W. B. Robinson as its arbitrator. The two disagreed or failed to reach a decision, and an umpire or third arbitrator was appointed, viz., John H. Hagerty, Esq.
The sum finally ordered to Simcoe in the arbitration was £536 15s. 2d, the items considered in making the award being the new Jail and Court House, the Railroad debt, and the Plank Road debt. This sum was far short of what the Simcoe County Council demanded or expected, and Mr. Robinson withheld his signature from the award, as he considered it unjust to the county.
After the Treaty with the Ojibway Indians of Lake Huron, made by the Hon. W. B. Robinson in the year 1850, the Government passed an Act (14 and 15 Vict., chap. 5) in 1851, known as the Territorial Divisions Act, by which the extensive tract from the Severn to French River newly acquired from the Indians was added to Simcoe County. This territory in later years has been divided into nearly seventy townships, lying mostly within the Districts of Muskoks and Parry Sound. The Simcoe County Council, not knowing what there newly acquired territory was like, petitioned the Government in May, 1852, for an immediate survey of it for settlement.
Settlers of Morrison Township, in course of time, petitioned the County Council (in October, 1862), to be established as a separate municipality. But the Council could only unite them with Muskoka Township if the two had 100 or more resident freeholders and householders. A renewal of the request was made a year or two afterward, and as there were fully 150 settlers in Morrison Township, and 60 in Muskoka Township, the County Council, at its session, Junr 30, 1864, united and organized them for municipal purposes; and the first reeve for the united townships (Roderick Stewart) took his seat at the County Council in January, 1865. A further By-law was passed in June, 1868, to separate the two townships for municipal purposes.
The District of Muskoka was organized in 1868, for certain judicial purposes, by an Act of the Ontario Legislature, 31 Vict., chap. 35. This provided for an appointment of a stipendiary magistrate in Muskoka, and for Land Registration, but the administration of justice in Muskoka, generally, was left with Simcoe, and the municipal connection remained as it was.
A similar Act was passed for the judicial organization of Parry Sound District, in 1869, 33 Vict., chap 24.
A By-law of the County Council passed in June, 1870, united Watt and Cardwell townships for representation. Another By-law was passed to separate them, June, 1877, although the same By-law had been defeated in the preceeding January for some reason.
The County Treasurer brought before the notice of the councillors in June, 1873, that fact that Simcoe County had to administer justice in the wide unicorporated territory to the northward. In the year mentioned, a case of supposed murder, committed as far from the Court House at Barrie as the City of Kingston is, cost the County $1,500 or more. The County Council sent a memorial in January, 1874, to the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council asking him to bear the charges in the administration of justice in Muskoka and Parry Sound. And for making public improvements (bridges, etc.) in the Muskoka District, the Council also asked the Government to make grants.
When the Ontario Government, in 1877, annexed some further territory, lying in the same direction, to Simcoe, the Council objected to having any more of the Muskoka District added to it, for judicial purposes, and sent another memorial on the subject to the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council. This question of the administration of justice in the unorganized territories became a chronic one for a while. The County Treasurer again complained in Januray, 1878, that the aministration of criminal justice was bearing very unfairly on the County. According to his statements, "not only do we administer criminal justice in all the unorganized territory north of us, but in organized townships in other counties; we pay for criminal justice and another county collects the revenue."
Failing to get redress of the grievance, the Council sent another strongly worded memorial to the Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council in November, 1879. There were 44 townships in the Districts of Parry Sound, Muskoka and Nipissing annexed to Simcoe for judicial purposes, from which Simcoe derived no income, yet it was called upon to pay their bills connected with the administration of justice. Nine of those townships formed part of Victoria County for municipal purposes, the reeves of which went to Lindsay, while the offenders against the law came to the jail at Barrie for Simcoe to bear the expense of having the law vindicated. The Council asked the Government to free them from further liability in the matter.
The Ontario Government now began to pay some heed to the continued appeals for redress. In January, 1881, a special committee of the counicl authorized a statement to be prepared by the County Treasurer, and they sent it to the Attorney-General, after which some slight relief was afforded. A special committed was appointed in January, 1885, to urge the further claim of the County upon the Government for the large amount then paid for the administration of justice in the new districts. This committee, which consisted of the three members of the Legislature then in the council, viz., Messrs. Drury, Phelps and McKay, reported in June that the Government had paid the full amount of Simcoe's claim, viz., $500 for 1884.
An Act was passed in 1888, by which the Muskoka municipalities were detached from Simcoe at July 1st, of that year. In view of the passing of this Act, the County Council in June, 1888, appointed a committee of seven to arrive at some settlement of the affairs between Simcoe County and the Muskoka municipalities, as provided under R.S.O. 1887, cap. 184, sec. 43. This was done amicably, and the Muskoka members severed there connection at the close of the same session with a complimentary resolution.
The Townships of Collingwood, St. Vincent, Euphrasia, Artemesia and Osprey became part of the Simcoe District in 1845, and under warrant of the Warden in July of that year, James Robertson was elected District Councillor for St. Vincent. Before this year these five townships had been part of the Home District. They continued to send representatives to the Simcoe Council, but after Jamuary 1st, 1852, they are detached from Simcoe County to form part of the new County of Grey. One of the chief reasons for the change was the burden assumed by Simcoe in connection with the Northern Railway, just then undertaken.
Some delay arose over the settlement of the financial affairs between Simcoe and Grey arising from the separation. In 1853, or the beginning of 1854, the Government appointed James Wright, as an arbitrator on behalf of Wellington and Grey to arrange the existing debt between Grey and Simcoe. The award is not stated in the documents and printed proceedings which the writer has examined. But it would appear that the compensation paid by Grey to Simcoe County amounted altogether to the sume of $5,885, which included interest. The last instalment received by Simcoe appears to have been obtained on April 9, 1864.
On November 10, 1863, the Simcoe County Counicl passed a By-law to take a census of Orangeville with a view to incorporation. Three days later (on the 13th) the census had already been taken and the special committee in charge of the matter had examined the census returns and recommended incorporation. A By-law was passed for that purpose, and another By-law to annex the new village to the County of Wellington.
The next step was in 1874, when the Ontario Legislature passed an Act, 38 Vict., chap. 31, defining the new County of Dufferin, the townships of Mono and Mulmur being included within it. These two, however, remained in Simcoe six years longer, for various purposes. Finally, at the end of 1880, in accordance with an Act passed in the early part of that year, Mono and Mulmur, after many years attachment to Simcoe County, were detached from it and became part of Dufferin County for both municipal and judicial purposes. The settlement of financial questions, by representatives, having been provided for by 43 Vict., chap. 37, an agreement between the two townships and the County was reached on December 16, 1881, and a By-law was passed by the Simcoe council in January, 1882, to confirm the agreement. The £40,000 (sterling) stock in the Northern Railway was exchanged and Mono and Mulmur given their shares. Besides this, on the General Account, Mono received $1,004.81 from Simcoe County, and Mulmur was found to be indebted to it by $471.51. Mulmur's further indebtedness on account of the bonus to the H. & N. W. R. R. (Collingwood Branch) was $20,450. These sums Mulmur settled in full with the County before January, 1883.
The Magistrates in Quarter Sessions authorized the erection of a Court House, on September 2, 1841, and approved of the plans of Horace Keating for the building. The contract was awarded to Charles Thompson, who erected it in 1842. Mr. Thompson was also the contractor for the jail, then in course of erection, and the settlement of his claims for the two buildings afterward gave rise to much trouble and litigation in the District Council, which came into existence at the beginning of 1843 and had charge of the financial affairs of the District after their appointment.
The Court House building, with frequent repairs, served the purposes for which it was intended for 34 years. But in the seventies, when the administration of justice for the Muskoka District belonged to Simcoe County, the business of the courts had grown so much that increased accommodation for them became necessary. To attain this end, the Council erected a new wing in 1877 at the west of the old building, giving a second court room and chamber for the meetings of the County Councl, with committee rooms and other apartments. Other changes and additions were also made at the same time. Owing to the changes in the construction of tbe roof of the building, the original court house was completely obliterated in the architectural designs of the remodelled structure. The new addition had offices on the ground floor for the County Treasurer and the Clerk of the Peace.
John Beardsley became the caretaker of the building in 1843, but he died in 1848 and his widow occupied the same position for more than fifty years afterward.
A rather quaint entry appears in the Minute Book of the general Quarter Sessions for the Home District, under date of May 10, 1837. It reads as follows:--"On the motion of Edward F. Davis, Esq., J. P. for the County of Simcoe, seconded by Meyrick Lally, Esq., J. P. for the same county, that lots No. 110, 111, 112, 113, 117, 118, 119, 120 in the Town of Barrie be approved of as the site of a Jail and Court House for the new District of Simcoe." A patent was issued from the Crown to the District for this jail block of 4 acres, on Sept. 14, 1844.
The Magistrates had charge of the erection of the County Buildings, so they appointed a Building Committee from amongst themselves to supervise the work. This Building Committee obtained plans and specifications for the Jail from an architect, Thomas Young, of Toronto, which they approved of, and the contract for erecting the Jail was signed May 9, 1840, the contractor being Charles Thompson, the stage coach and steamboat owner. Lake Couchiching stone was conveyed by boat from the quarry and used in the construction of the Jail. The original structure was unlike anything else in the country, an octagon in shape, something like the Mosque of Omar on the site of the Temple at Jerusalem.
The Magistrates of the District, as already shown, had let the contracts for the erection of the Jail and the Court House before the District Council came into existence at the beginning of 1843. The last named body, on its formation, assumed the financial engagements of the District, and found the settlement of the contractor's claims for the buildings in a hopeless muddle. The original agreements had been for £4,000 for the Jail, and £1,870 for the Court House, but before the District Council finished paying for the buildings, the cost had reached nearly £9,000, law suits having resulted from the failure to reach settlements with the contractor and the architect.
The appointment of a Government Board of Prison Inspectors brought about a change in the management of jails throughout the Province. The Prison Inspectors had been promised in the early part of 1858, or a Government Commission on Jails, but two years elapsed before the long promised officials were appointed. This change of affairs to a Government Board took the responsibility off the shoulders of the County Surveyor, in whose charge the supervision of jail affairs had hitherto been placed.
Two of the recently appointed Board of Prison Inspectors made their first visit to this section of the country on February, 24, 1860, viz., the well-known Dr. Wolfred Nelson, who had taken so conspicuous part in the Rebellion in Lower Canada, and Donald E. McDonald. On the same occasion they visited the Penetanguishene Reformatory and the Orillia Asylum building, then recently purchased.
In January, 1860, the County Council had passed a By-law appointing a special committee of their members to confer with the new Prison Inspectors, and arrange for many alterations and additions to the jail that might be deemed necessary. This committee did so, and recommended to the Council in June the erection of a wing 64 ft. long by 32 ft. wide, two storeys high, and the addition of new outer walls. The County Surveyor prepared a draft and plan of the proposed new wing. The Government architect's plans for the work were received by October, 1860, and as the plans contemplated a cost of $20,000, the amount was so large that the Council laid the matter over till January, 1861. The Council reduced the architect's plans for the extension to a more moderate, but amply extensive, form, and returned them to the Prison Inspectors; but the latter sent a negative reply, and there was a pause in the negotiations for more than a year.
The Board of Prison Inspectors, then at Quebec City, had demanded $14,000 of the Simcoe Concil for the jail extension. Mr. Ferguson, M.P. for South Simcoe, informed them that the Council were not in a position to meet the demand, but if they would moderate their plans to within $12,000, he thought the Council would meet it, $6,000 to be paid by the County and $6,000 by the Government. To this the Inspectors agreed. Mr. Horsey, the Government architect, was instructed by the Special Committee of the County Council in June, 1862, to prepare plans, specifications, etc. And the Council at the same session passed a By-law to raise $6,000 for the purpose.
The special committee on jail extension received plans and specifications for the new east wing in September, when they met, and they found a third storey had been added in the plans. The lowest tender received afterward on the basis of these plans was $15,573, with jailer's residence, or $14,776 without it. The third storey and residence were dispensed with and John Damp given the contract. Subsequently, he withdrew his tender, but the Council instructed the Warden to carry out the contract according to By-law No. 125 (of June 9, 1862), and Mr. Damp remained the contractor.
In the end, the actual cost of the jail extension was $13,253.46, of which the Government paid $6,000. Mr. Damp, who was a small sized man, had worked faithfully in the carrying out of the contract, but was a loser by his contract, so the County Council, in January, 1864, voted him $500 as a gift, in addition to the sum above stated. At the time of the extension it was discovered that the large central tower, which is shown in the accompanying engraving of the original jail, had become dangerous, so it was taken down at some extra cost more that was at first estimated.
About October, 1862, the Government began to pay into the county treasury on account of jail supplied, in accordance with the Act for the payment of Criminal Justice.
There was an edifying uproar in June, 1860, in the County Council over the good food allowance to the prisoners. Each prisoner had been getting daily, 1 lb. of bread, 1 lb. of meat and 1 1/2 lbs. of potatoes. "Consequently," as the records allege, "the jail is not what it is intended to be, viz., a place of punishment." It was accordingly resolved that, after July, 1st, the rations should be:--
The report immediately following this one to starve the "mentally and morally blind" prisoners on porridge, bread, salt and water, granted $140 to the society for the education of the blind, in Toronto. Nothing, however, came of this decree to starve the Simcoe prisoners, as the Magistrates in the Court of Quarter Sessions interfered in their behalf.
This little tempest over food in 1860 gives us a glimpse of what the functions of a jail were held to be, in those days. To stint a man's nourishment, and undermine his nervous system, will not improve him; and improvement his necessary no difference what his crimes might be. Improvement is the fashionable view taken at the present day, as against alimentary punishment in 1860.
The County Council, in 1902, erected a residence for the jailer in the southwest corner of the institution.
In January, 1873, the County Council took steps to build a fireproof Registry Office. After making some preliminary arrangements, they approved of the plans in January, 1874, the County Surveyor was authorized to advertise for tenders, and the building was to be commenced as soon as possible. The new Registry Office was completed by October, 1874, at a cost of a little over $8,000.
The erection of lockup houses in different parts of the county began in 1852, when the County Council constructed one in Orillia and set apart a small salary (£3, 10s.) for a keeper or caretaker of the building. The following list shows the years in which some of the earlier lockup houses of the county were established:--
The County Council received so many applications for grants for lockup houses about this time that it reduced the granting of money for them to a system, in October, 1874, by passing a By-law for the purpose. An inferior class of buildings had been erected, as in almost every instance the County's grant had not been supplemented locally. The Council's By-law made three classes, viz., buildings costing not less than $600, $800 and $1,200 respectively. The County undertook to pay one-half the cost of each, and the locality asking for aid would pay the remainder. This By-law remained in force for a number of years before revision became necessary.
In January, 1875, the Council made a grant of $400 for one at Collingwood to replace the one burned down. At the same time a grant of $300 was made for one at Gravenhurst. The latter was built but through some inadvertence a deed of the land on which it was erected had not been obtained, or could not be found two years later (January, 1877), when an examination of the county's property and the titles thereto was made. So the committee on County Property on the last name occasion suggested that the Reeve of "the saw-dust city," as the report called the place, should get busy and forward deeds for tbe land to the County Treasurer.
For the erection of a lockup house in Cookstown the Council, as long ago as the January session, 1856, had granted $200, and there was some reaffirmation of the grant in November, 1868, but it had not been applied up to October, 1877. Owing to the construction of the Hamilton Railway, Cookstown had received a large floating population at that time, and in the interests of law and order the County Council now granted $400 for a lockup house of the second class. The lockup houses established at this period partly owing to the railway construction were the following:--
The By-law of October, 1874, under which grants had been made to lockups, was replaced by another at the January session, 1887, viz., No. 425. Lockups were subsequently established at the following places:--
The County Council passed another general By-law (No. 545) in January, 1894, to provide for the erection, size and future management of Lockup Houses. No grant should exceed $400, and all lockups were to be built of stone or brick with floors of stone or concrete. Some further conditions were attached to the By-law which made a considerable change in the method of granting assistance to minor localities in this particular.
COUNTY MUNICIPAL AFFAIRS
In the early years of Upper Canada, before the establishment of either District or township councils, the inhabitants of each township met together once a year (mostly in January) for the purpose of choosing officers for the year. Chief of these officers were the wardens, or town wardens, as they were sometimes called. Yet the local Government of the country was conducted in a somewhat crude manner in those early years, there being no lack of talk and formality, but very little accomplished.
The term "ward" was formerly met with most commonly in the northern shires of England, where it dated back to an early time, and probably also the derivative terms "warder" and "warden" which are connected with "ward". In course of time, the town wardens, i.e., the township wardens, as we now understand the words, came to be transplanted to the soil of New England and the other English colonies in America, of which Virginia must not be omitted. The duties of the wardens varied in the different colonies; thus in Trinidad we find the Warden had the roadmaking to do, and he also had large powers as commissioner of Crown Lands in his own ward.
The practice of electing wardens in Upper Canada, was thus a very old one. It was introduced into this Province at the very beginning of its history, an Act having been passed by the First Legislaature of Upper Canada at its second session in 1793 (chap. 2), to elect township officers, viz., two town wardens, two assessors, two or more highway overseers, a township clerk, a collector and a poundkeeper. The inhabitants of each township were to assemble at the town meeting one a year, on the first Monday in January, and elect the officers for the year. Two justices of the peace were to issue their warrant for assembling the inhabitants, and the officers thus elected were to make their returns to the magistrates.
In this county there was organized local government of the kind just mentioned (so far as the writer has been able to learn) by the inhabitants of the following townships:--
Essa, 1835.
The old minute books of most of these townships still exist; and they furnish some interesting particulars of how our ancestors managed the public affairs of those days.
For the most part, however, the chief power in local government in those early years lay with the magistrates in their Court of Quarter Sessions. Before the Act of 4 and 5 Victoria, this Court of Quarter Sessions was the central institution of local government in Upper Canada, the township officers appointed annually by the people themselves in town meeting being subordinate to magistrates.
The Bill for establishing municipal councils in the various districts of Upper Canada was the most important measure of the first Union Parliment, which assembled June 14, 1841. The Justices of the Peace, assembled in Quarter Sessions, had up till then expended the taxes on real property. Under the Act of 1841, the Warden, Clerk, Treasurer, Surveyor and other officers were to be Crown nominees, or in other words, the Crown appointed these officers as the Act at first stood. But within a few years there were amendments which placed the appointments within the power of the Councils themselves. Thus did the establishment of the Municipal System take place in 1841, according to some, although as Mr. Baldwin's Act of 1849 was of a much more comprehensive character, it is claimed by others to be the beginning.
Below is given a list of the Wardens of the county from the beginning:--
The first Warden, the Hon. Jacob Æmilius Irving, during 1843, was appointed by the Baldwin Governmnet, a member of the Legislative Council, which prevented his attendance at the November Session of that year and also prevented his further service as Warden.
The earliest Treasurers of the County held office under the Magistrates' Court of Quarter Sessions. As early as April, 1838, and perhaps earlier, Sydney M. Sanford was Treasurer, and continued in the office until about July, 1841, when Samuel Richardson was appointed. Mr. Richardson died March 2, 1843, shortly after the formation of the District Council, whereupon one of the Councillors, James Adam, was the Acting Treasurer for a while, but his premature death took place in the early part of the winter of 1844-5. Edmund S. Lally wrote the District Council on February 13, 1845, stating that the Governor-General had appointed him Treasurer. Those who held the office after the District Council came into existence were the following:--
Anyone who will scan the printed proceedings of the Council, during Mr. Lally's term of office, will readily see that the Council paid much deference generally to his wishes and suggestions, as his care and attention to the business of the Council in the early years were noteworthy. In fact, he was the central figure of the institution during those years, and received the esteem which his upright, intelligent course well deserved. On February 3, 1848, the Council acceded to the request of Mr. Lally to be allowed to act as Bank Agent in his office, this being the first bank opened in the County town.
Edmund S. Lally having resigned the Treasurership in March, 1861, the Warden called a special meeting of the Council, at which Henry R. A. Boys was appointed treasurer. In October, 1876, the County Council passed a By-law appointing Sydney M. Sanford Assistant Treasurer at $500 per annum, and on the resignation of Mr. Boys as treasurer in June, 1884, Mr. Sanford, although advanced in years, was promoted to the office of treasurer. Mr. Boys gave as his principal reasons for resigning the fact that certain members of his family were unable to stand our severe winters. Soon afterward, he moved with his family to California, where he died, September, 1894.
On August 12, 1885, the death occurred of the treasurer, Sydney M. Sanford, by his gentlemanly and unassuming manner, he received the highest respect of the County Council of the time. His son, Sydney James Sanford, was appointed his successor.
The last mentioned Treasurer, S. J. Sanford, became a defaulter in 1897. An audit of the treasurer's books from the time of his appointment until he absconded, showed the amount of his defaults to be $62,857.02, a portion of which was afterward recoverd by the county.
Joseph Leslie, after long service as messenger, was compelled through ill-helath to resign in November, 1880, and John Beardsley, his assistant, was appointed messenger. Mr. Leslie, who was advanced in years, on that occasion was given $100 as a retiring allowance.
On the death of John Beardsley, the County Messenger, his brother, Alfred W. Beardsley, was appointed as his successor in November, 1885. Mr. Beardsley was also appointed County Detective in June, 1891, and High Constable of the County in June, 1896.
Henry Creswicke was appointed by the Government as County Surveyor in 1843 and held the office for 39 years. On his resignation in 1881, and completion of his work at the end of the last named year, the office was abolished. A sketch of the life of Mr. Creswicke, who was a very useful and efficient officer of the county for so long a period, may be found in the chapter on Oro (vol. 2), where he settled on coming to Canada to reside.
At the General Quarter Sessions, April 25, 1843, the Magistrates appointed John McWatt, Inspector of Weights and Measures for the Simcoe District. He probably held the office until 1858, although the writer has no evidence in the matter at hand. At any rate, in June, 1858, Christopher Wilson of Collingwood asked the County Council to appoint him Inspector of Weights and Measures for the County which the Council did, the office being then vacant. At the June session, 1872, the Council accepted the resignation of C. Wilson from this office, and appointed two inspectors for the county:--Robinson Morris for the north riding, and C. S. Brereton for the south riding. On Mr. Brereton's death in the following year, the Council appointed Walter R. Fenton, Inspector for the south riding (June, 1873).
In 1873, the Dominion Government passed an Act altering the standards of weights and measures, adopting the Imperial measures, and reserving the right to appoint an Inspector for each province. However, in June, 1875, the County Council passed a By-law appointing two inspectors--David E. Buist for the north riding, and James Hunter for the south riding. Some time later, the Dominion Government assumed the supervision of these officials, and appointed travelling inspectors.
In 1852, Dr. John Russell Ardagh was appointed to this office. On his death in 1868, Dr. Arthur Ardagh was appointed to succeed him, and held the position for about twenty-five years. On the death of the latter, Dr. L. Oliver was appointed Jail Surgeon in January, 1893, who in turn was succeeded by Dr. J. F. Palling, the present occupant of the position.
From the large amount of business of the County, it appeared wise to the Council in January, 1873, to have a solicitor appointed, who could be called upon at short notice to act in behalf of the County. A By-law was at that time passed appointing McCarthy & McCarthy, solicitors for the County.
On the death of Mr. Pepler, Messrs. Hewson & Creswicke were appointed, and on the removal of Mr. C. E. Hewson from the County to become Judge in Manitoulin, Mr. A. E. H. Creswicke was appointed County Solicitor in January, 1909.
For a while the new municipal system did not work well. A new source of power had been created, viz., the voice of the people; whereas, before 1841, the ruling power in local affairs was the Magistrates' Court of Quarter Sessions. The existence of two powers in each district resulted, as might be expected, in friction between the two, and in various writings of that period we actually find references to the clashing of the two sources of authority. Thus in the Life (p. 264) of Wm. Hamilton Merritt, who was one of the memebers of the Canadian Parliament of that period, he writes, under date of November 11, 1843, of the municipal institutions not working well in consequence of the two opposing powers. Once in a while, throughout the printed proceedings of the Simcoe District Council, we get glimpses of the clash of authority between the two, but in one instance, (October, 1846) the District Council went so far in the other direction as to complain to the Government that there was a scarcity of magistrates.
The County Buildings (Jail and Court House) were erected, or at least the contract for them had been let by the magistrates, as we have seen in the preceeding chapter, before the District Council came into existence or had any control over the expenditure for them. But the Council was created in time enough to have the exquisite pleasure of paying for them, and they paid very dearly too. One of the first troubles that arose for the new Simcoe District Council to settle in 1843 was the building contract, the full particulars of which appear in the Council Minutes printed for the first time in 1895. In the end the Council had a lawsuit with the contractor, Charles Thompson, and another with the architect, Horace Keating. To settle with these men finally, the Council issued debentures for £500 in favor of Mr. Thompson, and other debentures for £256 7s. 2d. in favor of Mr. Keating.
A period of activity on the part of the Simcoe District Councillors in local affairs, in keeping with the general activity all over the Province, followed the introduction of responsible government which so many people of all political shades had ben pleased to welcome. Those who had been in power so long had had time enough to introduce new measures in the way of progress, but they had not kept pace with the growing needs of the country. The Common School Law, the Municipal Coucils Act, and other measures of the first importance, at this period kept legislators, both parliamentary and local, quite busy.
While the Act of 1841 was in force during the forties, the township councils, in the form in which we know them, had not yet any existence. So the local affairs of the district mostly devolved upon the District Council, which levied the taxes. Common schools and common roads held the chief places in the Simcoe Council's work, as in other districts at the time. The highly punctilious spirit shown in the methods of the District Council, as it is displayed in the printed proceedings, is edifying; but it was perhaps no more than was current in official circles in Canada at the time, where "legality and established forms" were the bane of the country, according to Lord Elgin.
There was no pay for District Councillors at the outset of the District system, and yet the Simcoe Councillors passed a By-law (May, 1844) to impose a fine of six shillings a day on everyone who should absent himself. But it does not appear that the Council ever enforced its own ordinance, which was perhaps in the nature of what some people nowadays would call a "bluff," and the By-law was ultimately repealed, October, 1848.
In February, 1845, the Councillors recorded a protest at getting no pay for their services and having the expense of boarding away from home, so they petitioned the Legislative Assembly to grant councillors a pittance of not more than a dollar a day. "In many of the backwood townships," their petition to Parliament went on to say, "the farmer finds it a sufficient sacrifice when he devotes four weeks annually of his time to the discharge of his duties as District Councillor, without entailing on himself in addition any outlay of money, which, in a great many cases, he can very ill afford." Parliament, as it was usual for them to do, paid great deference to the Simcoe County petitions, and passed an amendment to the Municipal Councils Act, giving power to District Councils to grant an allowance to their members during their attendance at meetings. The Simcoe District Councillors lost no time in availing themselves of the privilege, for at the October session of 1846 they voted themselves a fixed allowance of six shillings and three pence a day.
After 1846, by the Amended District Councillors Act of that year, the Council met only twice a year for a period, instead of four times as hitherto.
According to Mr. Baldwin's Municipal Act of 1849, the reeves of the several townships were to form the Council for the County, and after this time it was not called the District Council, but the County Council. In accordance with that Act, the Simcoe District Council passed a By-law in 1849 (No. 75), dividing the county into groups of townships, with five "wards" in each, and a returning officer for each at the succeeding election, when a councillor was to be elected for each. In this way, the township councils throughout this county were first organized, and the "town meeting" for choosing officers, as well as the District Council itself, thus came to an end. At the first meeting of each Township Council elected in the manner just described, the councillors elected from among themselves the reeves and deputy-reeves to be sent to make up the County Council. This was the method of electing the County Council pursued until the revision and consolidation of the "Act resepecting the Municipal Institutions of Upper Canada" (passed August 15, 1866), according to which the reeves and deputy-reeves were elected by the direct votes of the people. This change came into effect with the beginning of 1867.
The Simcoe County Council, in August, 1850, repealed the part of the former By-law (No. 75, 1849), which referred to six unions of townships. In a new By-law, (No. 88), they substituted five new unions for the six formerly made, and thus provided for the return of nineteen members instead of thirteen. The new unions were as follows:--
Some of these unions continued in force for several years. In fact, the union between North and South Orillia is not yet dissolved.
By dispensing with the October session in 1870, the County Council effected a saving of over $1,000 to the county, and a reduction of $300 in the expense of printing. They accordingly also dispensed with the fall sessions in 1871-2-3.
For a great many years the Warden was elected in the County Council by open voting, but in June, 1884, the Council resolved to elect the Warden by ballot in future, and passed a By-law with this end in view. Hitherto, the election had been carried on by motions, voted upon by the council in the order of their presentation.
During the early years of the eighties, murmuring began to be heard about the high cost of the County Council. At this time, some Muskoka townships were still included with Simcoe for Municipal purposes, which made the numbers in attendance at the council board quite large. In a table compiled for November, 1884, and printed with the minutes for that session, details of the costs of various County Councils are given for eleven years, 1873 to 1883. But no decisive steps could be taken at the time to reduce the number.
The council went on increasing in numbers, and culminated in 1888 with 57 members. When a Municipal Commission was engaged in January, 1888, in the investigation of the working of the Municipal Institutions Act of this Province, the Simcoe County Council resolved that the time had come when a reduction should be made in the representation of the minor municipalities. The presence of 57 councillors at the council board this year emphasized the need for some change. This was effected, and relief obtained, by the setting apart of the Muskoka townships into a district by themselves.
Notwithstanding the removal of a part of the council to form Muskoka District Council in 1888, the numbers continued to increase, and again reached 57 in 1895 and 1896. Just prior to these maximum years, there was a revival of the agitation for a reduction in the cost of doing the county's business. In deference to public opinion in this matter, the Council, in January, 1891, passed a By-law dispensing with the November sessions. This had effect in 1891 and 1892. A "special session" was called in November, 1983, but in the two following years (1894-5) the By-law continued in force, and the November sessions were dispensed with. Just before the coming into effect of the new Act of 1896 a session was held in November of that year.
In 1896, the Ontario Legislature passed the "Act to Reduce the Number of County Councillors." The commission of judges divided Simcoe County into nine groups of municipalities, or divisions, each division to elect two members or commissioners for a term of two years. The groups were the following:--
The ten years of the Commissioners, viz., 1897-1906, inaugurated a period of several changes and new undertakings. It opened with the scrutiny of the County Treasurer's transactions, which were closely investigated by new auditors, and the result was that he absconded, after which the amount of his defaults became apparent. Then followed soon afterward, the erection of a House of Refuge at Beeton, the inauguration of steel bridges and the introduction of a system of county roads.
A committee was appointed at the June session, 1860, for the consolidation of the County By-laws up to that time. At the October (1860) session, the council gave a number of the earlier by-laws final readings, as a result of the consolidation, and 300 copies of the By-laws were printed separately in pamphlet form (82 pages) after the October session.
Further revisions and consolidations of the By-laws were made in 1864 and 1873. A committee on Revision submitted a report in October, 1877, and the By-laws from 1864 to 1877 were ordered to be printed (400 copies).
Another revision was made in 1886, and still another was authorized in November, 1888, as a number of very important By-laws were omitted from the revision of 1886. The special committee in charge of the matter, submitted their report in June, 1889. They had eliminated from the last edition the By-laws relating to the Muskoka District, as this was no longer a part of Simcoe, and they had prepared a comprehensive index, giving the subject matter of each By-law. 600 copies of this revision were printed.
In 1897, there was a further revision of the By-laws. In January of that year, the Council appointed for the purpose a special committee, which submitted in June a revision, of which 600 copies were printed.
Some doubt arose as to the validity of the By-law (No. 157) passed by the County Council in 1867 for the consolidation of the county's debt, so by request the Ontario Legislature passed a statute to legalise the By-law, March 4, 1868, as 31 Vict., chap. 47. The By-law in question provided for the extension of the debt over a period of 15 years.
On the approach of the time for paying the new debentures, there was a repetition of the state of affairs that existed in 1867. A special session of the County Council was called to meet in September, 1880, at which a committee was instructed to prepare a By-law. To meet the debentures for $69,000 falling due, January 1st, 1882, a Sinking Fund had been formed which had at one time accumulated to about $37,000, but former councils had allowed the Sinking Fund to be used from time to time in paying current expenses, and had not levied sufficient amounts, yearly. A delegation waited on the Attorney-General, who consented to the passage of a Bill empowering the County Council to issue new debentures for $69,000 without a vote of the people.
Owing to the frequent misappropriation of sinking funds by municipal bodies, the County Council, at its session in January, 1893, passed an important resolution. In provided that in future only such debentures of minor municipalities, the principal and interest of which are payable in annual instalments, should be guaranteed.
The County Council formed a Patriotic Fund in June, 1855, for the relief of the families of soldiers and sailors engaged in the Crimean War, by means of which about £1,000 was collected and forwarded for the purpose.
At the time of the visit of the Prince of Wales in 1860, the decorations at railway stations in the county cost the sum of $730.
In October, 1862, the County Council granted $2,000 toward the relief of the distressed in Lancashire, England, and other manufacturing districts of Great Britain and Ireland. Through no fault of theirs, these destitute people of the "old country" had been thrown out of work through the cotton famine resulting from the War of the Rebellion then raging in the United States. This had been the sole cause of the distress pervading the manufacturing districts. With promptness and liberality, the inhabitants of the towns of Barrie, Collingwood and Orillia, as well as some other municipalities in the county, also contributed at that time to the relief of the suffering operatives.
January, 1867. $200 for aid to the General Hospital, Toronto.
June, 1867. $100 to the Ridgeway monument in Queen's Park, Toronto.
January, 1868. $200 to relief distress amongst Nova Scotia fishermen.
The County Council, in November, 1868, granted $400 to the distress of the inhabitants of the Red River Settlement. The Township of Oro likewise granted $200. The Ontario Provincial Treasurer, to whom the $400 was remitted, refused to receive the money, and the Warden was requested to confer with the Mayor of Toronto as to the disposal of it.
In January, 1871, the Council authorized the County Clerk to purchase 65 copies of Hogg's new map of the County, $434 being expended altogether in the purchase of maps.
In January, 1880, the County Council granted $500 in aid of the suffering and destitution prevailing at the time in Ireland, the amount being forwarded to the Duchess of Marlborough, Dublin.
After the severe bush fires of August in September, 1881, the County Council granted, in January, 1882, the sum of $500 toward the relief of the Muskoka sufferers, to be applied for the purchase of seed in the spring, or in any way that may be deemed most advisable.
In January, 1884, $100 was granted toward the aid of the sufferers in the Humber Railway disaster.
The sum of $100 was granted in January, 1886, to assist the sufferes at a lumber camp lately destroyed by fire in Muskoka.
Owing to the calamitous fire in September, 1887, by which the business portion of Gravenhurst was burned, its indebtedness to the County for the County rates was struck off.
A severe fire having visited Alliston in 1891, the Council voted $1,000 toward relief, in June of that year.
As long ago as 1851 there was a proposal to establish an industrial farm for the benefit of the indigent of the county. In June of that year the County Council petitioned the Government for a free grant of land--the west half of lot No. 2, concession 1, Oro, for an Industrial Farm and House of Industry; but the Government had no power to grant more than 10 acres of land for any public purpose. However, the Crown Land Office offered to sell to the County the lot mentioned at 20s. (£:1) per acre, July 6, 1852. But as a Bill was before Parliament for the object of providing for such institutions, the County Council took no action at the following session in October.
After a time, the Council decided to purchase the Oro farm offered by the Crown at 20s., per acre, and a patent was received for it dated October 23, 1856, for the sum of $400. A year later (October, 1857), the Council resolved to rent the farm to a tenant, and again in January, 1860, the farm was leased for another term. In June, 1869, it transpired that various persons had occupied the lot for a number of years, but the County had not received any rent from them, and the farm itself had by this time had been mostly stripped of the timber on it. So the County Council decided to sell it by auction. This plan not succeeding, the Council by private sale disposed of the piece of land (100 acres) to George McLean for $3,000, and passed a By-law to confirm the sale. Nearly eleven years passed before the question came up again in the County Councl, new railways having engrossed their attention. In January, 1881, the Council appointed a special committee to obtain information concerning the probable cost of building and maintaining a House of Refuge. At that time Houses of Industry and Refuge were maintained in Elgin, Norfolk, Waterloo and Wellington Counties, and one in York was under consideration. The Committee reported favorably in June, the cost in every instance being not half of what is paid locally on the system of a divided maintenance.
The question slumbered for six years longer, until in June, 1887, a special committee of five was appointed to consider the erection of a House of Refuge in connection with an Industrial Farm for poor and destitute people, the committee being authorized to enquire into the probable cost and maintenance of such an institution, and to report at the November session. They communicated with counties having such institutions, and received replies from five. Without exception these spoke in the highest terms of such an institution. A small committee was appointed in January, 1888, to visit some of the counties where they had such in operation. By November this last committee had obtained information, and a further special committee of three was appointed to secure information as to the cost of 50 acres near some town or village. The special committee reported in January, 1889, that the cost of a building suitable for 100 inmates would be about $20,000, and the Council thereupon decided to take no further action for that time.
Some further agitation took place from time to time, but it was spasmodic. A motion in the County Council in June, 1892, to have a committee or three or five members collect information on the subject was voted down by 7 to 39. The advocates of the institution were irrepressible, however, and in June, 1895, the Council authorized a vote of the ratepayers to be taken on the question in January, 1896. The towns voted in favor of the project, but the rural municipalities against it. In some of the municipalities no vote was taken, but they were against the measure.
With the coming into operation of the Act installing commissioners, in January, 1897, the Warden, by request, appointed a special committee to inspect three or four Houses of Refuge in the Province. They did so, and in June, the Council decided by a vote of 11 to 4 to undertake the erection of a House of Refuge. In November, 1897, they decided to locate the institution in Beeton, and adopted the plans of Smith & Bird for the building.
The promoters of a Marine Hospital in Collingwood asked the County Council for a grant in November, 1885, but the Council laid the matter over to the June session, 1886. The question did not come up again until November, 1887, when a motion to grant $500 to the Hospital was voted down, by 23 yeas to 21 nays, the measure requiring a two-thirds vote. It was again voted down in the following January, but in June, 1888, $500 was granted to be paid to the hospital on its completion. The General and Marine Hospital in Collingwood, built at this time, was the first institution of its kind in the county.
In Januaary, 1891, the County Council granted $140 to the Collingwood Hospital for annual maintenance, on condition that one patient should be maintained in the hospital for a year. Similar grants were made to the same institution on the same terms in subsequent years.
The Council vote $70 to the Barrie Hospital in January, 1895, on the condition that it would keep indigent patients for the council to the amount voted. Similar grants were made to the same institution in succeeding years. In June, 1897, $500 was granted toward the erection of the new hospital in Barrie, the Royal Victoria Hospital, and on its completion a further grant of $1,000 was made.
Assistance was given more recently, to the extent of $1,000, to the combined hospital for Penetanguishene and Midland, and a similar amount to the new general hospital in Orillia.
MILITARY AFFAIRS The Six Hundred Men of Simcoe
Before passing to the subject of the County's Military affairs, a brief reference should be made to the part played in the Rebellion of 1837 by the inhabitants of Simcoe County. Some disaffection there undoubtedly was, especially in the older or southerly portions. But by far the greater part of the county's population remained loyal to the Crown throughout the whole of the unfortunate troubles of that period. So pronounced were they in their professions of loyalty that they mustered in strong force and pushed to the front. This circumstance is mentioned in his Reminiscences (p. 128) by Samuel Thompson, who was an eye witness of the scenes:
Another writer, whose named does not appear quoted in the same volume (p. 133), also relates the circumstance as it appeared to him:
While this was the view taken by a loyal writer, quite a different account of the same event is given by J. C. Dent in his Upper Canada Rebellion (Vol. II, page 149), and it is partly based upon the description of the march to Toronto in Lindsey's Life of W. L. MacKenzie, II, 100. The following is Mr. Dent's account:
Amongst those who, besides Colonel Hill and Major Dewson, were in charge of volunteers from this district, were Colonel Edward G. O'Brien, of Shanty Bay, and Col. Arthur Carthew of Hawkestone and Newmarket. Col. O'Brien marched for Toronto, but before arriving at the city he received instructions from Sir F. B. Head, the Lieutenan-Governor, to take charge of the settlement near the village of Bond Head, for there had been some disaffection in that district.
The men of Simcoe responded so promptly to the call that few able-bodied men were left in some of the settlements. May of the unprotected women and children who remained at home were seized with a dread that they would be massacred by the Indians from the Coldwater Reserve, as they were giving the Government some trouble over the cessions of their lands about that time. The fear was natural, but eventually proved groundless.
There were enough veterans among the militia to improve the raw recruits and turn them into good soldiers. The commanding officer of the main portion of the Simcoe Militia, Jeremiah Wilkes Dewson, was born at Wolverhampton, Staffordshire, Eng., Feb. 6, 1794. At the outbreak of the disturbances of 1837 he was gazetted a Major of an Incorporated Regiment, and afterward held the rank of Colonel in the Simcoe Militia. He died in West Gwillimbury, Aug. 29, 1852.
Under Major Dewson were the following Captains with their several companies:
Captains Armstrong, Thomas Duff (Essa), Edmund S. Lally (Vespra and Kempenfeldt Bay), Keeting, Slee (Orillia), Thomas Craig (Medonte), and James Darling (Penetanguishene).
The pay roll for 12 days' service of Capt. E. S. Lally's (7th) Company shows 38 men at 1s. 2d. a day, besides the officers.
This muster of men for putting down the Rebellion in 1837 laid the foundation for the military organization in this county and was the forerunner of the 35th Regiment of the present time. In most of the pioneer settlements they afterward kept up Training Day once a year for a long time, for all the able-bodied men, each township having a muster of its own. But this system was defective and produced no good results.
Prior to 1863, military affairs were very different from what they afterward became. As an example of the military organization of former years, we may take the year 1857. The Sedentary Militia of Simcoe then consisted of eight battalions, thus:--
These were called Sedentary Battalions. Col. Edward W. Thompson of Toronto at this time had the command of the 5th Military District in which the Simcoe Battalions were situated.
Besides the above sendentary battalions, there were, in that year, also, the following rifle companies:--
The Militia Bill and the Volunteer Militia Bill, both of 1863, were the outcome of the War of the Rebellion in the U.S. They were defensive measures and were inaugurated a new period in military matters. By the year 1866 we find that the establishment of volunteer companies had already been of the utmost importance to the whole Province.
The men of Simcoe turned out at the Fenian Raid in 1866. At this threatening time, John Hogg organized a Collingwood Battery of Garrison artillery, at the request of the Government, and was given the command. He was afterward gazetted Lieut.-Col. in 1877. The County Council provided for the wives and families of the volunteers of this county called out for active service in the Fenian Raid, by a grant of $2.00 for each wife or infirm adult, and 25 cents for children, per week, commencing with June 1st, 1866. The towns of Collingwood and Barrie also contributed to the relief of the families of the volunteers.
Thomas C. Scoble, Acting Brigade Major of the 5th Military Division, U.C., Toronto, wrote Lieut.-Col. Thomas R. Ferguson, the warden, in November, 1866, on the necessity for Drill-sheds in connection with the Volunteer system of the County. The Volunteers of Simcoe would require a Battalion shed as headquarters, and eight company sheds, for which the Government would make up about one-half of the cost. At this time the County Council raised by debentures a loan of $5,000 for this purpose. At contract prices making an aggregate of $8,038, of which the Government granted $3,200, the Council erected Drill-sheds in various parts of the county. By June, 1867, the whole of the sheds were underway, and some of them about completed, as follows:--
The Battalion shed erected in Barrie was completed by November, 1868, and was said to be one of the finest in the Province. It was built wholly of wood, those being the days of cheap lumber. During the summer, an accident had occurred while the building was in course of erection. A storm sprang up, destroyed a large amount of material, killed one of the men employed, and seriously injured the contractor, William Graham. The Council granted him $200 as a bonus. This drill-shed of the Battalion, at Barrie was burned down, August, 1866.
The County Council granted 25 cents a day to each volunteer of the county on duty, in camp or garrison, in June, 1872, the aggregate grants for 1872 being $1,659. Similar grants were made for several years afterward by the Council, and in 1875 and additional $100 for rifle prizes. The latter became a fixed grant from 1866 to the present time.
In the sixties Lieut.-Col. Alex. McKenzie was placed in command of the Simcoe Battalion. He died at Port Arthur, Ontario, May 18, 1882, in the discharge of his duty as an officer of the Northwest Mounted Police, and the Battalion erected a monument over his grave in the Union Cemetery at Barrie. He was succeeded in the command by Lieut.-Col. Wm. E. O'Brien, who commanded the York and Simcoe Battalion in the Northwest Rebellion of 1885. In this Rebellion the volunteers of the "Simcoe Foresters" distinguished themselves by their soldierly conduct, and on their return home, the County Council gave them a reception and entertained them in a manner fitting such an occasion. The 12th Battalion, County York, accompanying the 35th, were also entertained with the County Battalion. Lieut.-Col. Richard Tyrwhitt who had the command of the York contingent in the Northwest service, died June 22, 1900.
The Dominion Government, in 1887, refunded $1,024.32 to this county for kit supplies to the men of the 35th while in the Northwest, the County Council having made a request for the refund. And on receiving it, the Council contributed $500 to the erection of a headquarters armory at Barrie, the Town of Barrie granted $500, and the Dominion Government $1,000. The new armory was required to replace the Battalion drill shed burned in the preceding autumn.
As showing the trend of opinion in making provision for military supplies after the Northwest Rebellion, it is worthy of note that the application to the County Council, in November, 1890, for a grant of money to assist in procuring new helmets for the 35th Battalion resulted in no action by the Council except to memorialize the Dominnion Government in the matter, as the Council thought it was the duty of the Dominion Government to provide the articles. This view of the County's share of responsibility had become current after the Northwest Rebellion. The Militia Department, however, having refused to supply the helmets, the Council, in June, 1891, did so at a cost of $391.
The successors of Lieut.-Col. O'Brien in the command of the 35th have been the following:--
In 1868, the ladies of the county presented the 35th Regiment with a set of flags--the Queen's Colors and the Regimental Colors. Forty-one years later (in 1909) the County Council gave the Regiment the magnificent colors now in use, which are worthy of the foremost place the 35th has always held amongst the rural regiments of Canada.
A brief historical sketch of the 35th, by Lieut.-Col. Ward, appeared in the Barrie Gazette of January 4, 1899, (Souvenir Number, celebrating the 30th anniversary of the newspaper).
THE SCHOOLS The Pioneer Schools of the Earliest Period
Prior to the year 1843, which we may regard as the close of the Pioneer period and the time of the inauguration of the second period in the history of the schools of the county (the District Council established in that year having assumed the control of school matters), about fifty common schools were in operation. But many of these were kept open for only part of the year, and even then with the greatest difficulty as the settlers were to poor to afford education for their children.
The number of schools in the various townships in 1843 were approximately the following:--
In the western parts of the county, Gilbert Macaulay taught early in the forties at Sunnidale Corners, and George Sneath at Crowe's Corners. At Duntroon Peter Ferguson and Malcolm Livingstone were the first teachers about the same period, the first school in Nottawasaga having been in operation in 1843 or earlier.
The Upper Canada Common School Act of 1843 created the office of Township Superintendent of Schools, an officer of this kind taking the place of the former school commissioners in each township. The District Council of Simcoe at the February session in 1844, appointed as Superintendent for each township, the following being the list, so far as the writer has been able to ascertain them:-
In school affairs, there was great activity in the early forties, owing to the liberal aid to schools given by the Scool Act of 1841. The number increased to 83 schools by the year 1847.
About the year 1823 the "Scotch settlers" of West Gwillimbury united to secure instruction for their children, and built a log cabin school house on lot 8, con. 6, which also served as a place of worship. Shortly after its erection Lieut.-Governor Sir Peregrine Maitland visited West Gwillimbury and this first school house there, and some of the young scholars never forgot the Governor's visit, and his kind words to them.
The fist teacher was Wm. Moffatt, but in the spring of 1826 they obtained the services of John Carruthers, a tall spare man, who had arrived from Scotland the previous summer. His salary as teacher was paid directly by the parents of the pupils, there being then no provision by the Government for the regulation of public schools. Among those who received their first instruction in the school from Carruthers may be mentioned Thomas D. McConkey, afterwards Sheriff of the County. Mr. Carruthers taught for two or three seasons at this place, and afterward became a travelling catechist of the Presbyterian Church.
Susan Cassidy was the first teacher at Bradford, where she began to teach in 1837 at the age of 14. She was born in Paris, France, could use the French language, and now lives at an advanced age near Boston, Mass., where she still teaches French. She taught at Bradford during parts of 1837 and 1838, but as she was young and could not manage the partly grown boys with unruly dispositions, she gave up this position and went to Tecumseth where she also taught. Subsequently she became the wife of another teacher named Thomas O'Flynn, or Flynn, and both taught school. In 1848 they were teaching in Tecumseth, in the school near Jared Irwin's, two miles south of Pennville. Thomas Flynn died in 1888 or about that time. Susan Flynn contributed some reminiscences of her pioneer teaching to the Documentary History of Education in Upper Canada, (Vol. 4, p. 151).
John Dissett taught the Bradford school after Susan Cassidy. It is said that he would often go to sleep, and during such periods the children would hold high carnival in the school room. After Mr. Dissett's term, George Douglas taught the school in Bradford.
About the year 1832, John Garbutt taught the first school on the 8th line of West Gwillimbury (Belfry's schoolhouse), and after him Eli Hough taught it.
James McKay, who contributed some reminiscences to the 4th volume of the Documentary History of Education in Upper Canada, p. 151, began to teach in May, 1837, in the "Scotch Settlement." He also taught in Tecumseth and again in 1840 or 1841 in West Gwillimbury, two miles southeast of Bond Head. In 1848 and 1849 he taught in Bradford, his name being erroneously printed as "Murray" in Vol. 8 of the Documentary History, which contains his reminiscences of the Bradford school.
Patience Varcoe was one of the first female teachers in this county, having come from England with her parents in 1842 and settled in West Gwillimbury in the following year. She afterward became the wife of a Mr. Courtney of Lloydtown. Mrs. Courtney gave some reminiscences of her early school-teaching experiences in West Gwillimbury, Innisfil and Tecumseth, from 1843 onward, in the Doumentary History, Vol. 6, p. 306.
About the year 1834 or 1835, John Macaulay was the first teacher at Fisher's Corner, on the 9th line of West Gwillimbury, (lot 5). Joseph Booth succeeded him at this school.
Up to the year 1843, six schools had been established in West Gwillimbury, so far as can be ascertained, and in August of that year the District Council passed a By-law to raise taxes for building five more school houses in the township, and another in Adjala.
Thomas Doyle was the first teacher at Mount Pleasant in West Gwillimbury on the establishment of a school there in 1844, and remained a year or two longer as teacher at the place.
By the year 1843 ten schools were in operation in the Township of Tecumseth, and the District Council made provision in February, 1844, for the erection of five others.
The first schools in Tecumseth were in the southeast quarter of the township, where the earliest settlements were made. In the further parts of the township, which, about the year 1836, were still on the outskirts of the settlements, one of the first schools was on lot 10, con. 5, and there is a school at the place to this day. In early years it was known as Martin's school.
About the year 1845, Henry King was the first teacher at Hammill's schoolhouse, two miles west of Beeton of the present day. Mr. King's son helped him with the teaching, while here. In the same school, during the early years, other teachers were Pywell, Sigsworth, McMahon and O'Leary.
In Adjala, one of the most prominent of the pioneer teachers was Patrick Downey. He taught in that township in 1842, or earlier, and also in 1843. Later (in 1845) he began teaching in Eramosa, Wellington County, and contributed some of his experiences of the pioneer days to Volume 5 of the Documentary History of Education.
In the same township (Adjala) James Magee taught six months in 1842, in a school on lot 5, con. 3, but the school commissioners did not pay him his share of the Government grant. So he asked the District Council to interfere in his behalf.
The first school in Innisfil, and the one to which the "Dalhousie" settlers sent their children, was erected at Gimby's Corners (Churchill), in 1837 or 1838. One Harrison was the first teacher there, and was employed directly by the people, who clubbed together for the purpose. To this school came children from Croxon's Corners, Gilford, and indeed from every place west and east, north and south, within a radius of ten miles.
This was the first and only school in this part of Innisfil for some years. We have been enabled to obtain the family names of those who attended it; the list is made up of almost all those familes who were resident in the southen part of Innisfil at the time: Kettle, O'Donnell (Gilford), Clement, Willson, Ross, Scott, Rogerson, McLean, Cripps, Lennox, Hindle, Ritchie, Gimby, Patterson, Todd, Fisher, Garbutt (from the hollows of West Gwillimbury), Gartley, Wallace, Moore.
Wm. Booth was the first teacher at Stroud in the thirties, and was followed by Samuel Ross.
The first school in Essa was held in a log house that was erected on lot 1, con. 10, early in the thirties to serve as an Orange Lodge. The first teacher here, or at least the first of which any account has reached the writer, was Andrew Coleman, an old man who taught the children of the pioneers for a time. (He was related to the family of this name on the Innisfil side.) A Mr. Bird also taught them, but only for a few months, as he grew cross, (so the story goes), and they had to put him out of the position in which he had practiced his flogging powers too extensively. In the same building James Johnston also taught for a time, and then went to the Lewis school in the same neighborhood, about the year 1841. Mr. Johnston was a good pensman, and at a later time went to Owen Sound or its vicinity, where his family and descendants prospered. It was about the same time that a union school was erected and called Ross' school. It was on the south side of the broken front in Tecumseth, but did service for the settles along the townline in both townships. Another early teacher here was a Mr. Macaulay.
On the farm of D. Lewis, lot 3, con. 11, a mile north of Cookstown, a school was established at an early date. It is said that a Mr. McMahon was the first teacher here. There was also, at an early date, in the same school, Crawford M. Maxwell (for two or three years) and a Mr. Carter. After these, Mr. Johnston, mentioned above, also taught the school for a time. The school was afterward moved to Cookstown.
On the Penetanguishene Road north of Kempenfeldt there were some of the earliest schools in the County. A log schoolhouse was built at Crownhill (lot No. 10), on the Oro side, before the Rebellion of 1837, and William Crae was the first teacher in it. He was succeeded in 1842 by Edward Luck who taught the school continuously for 22 years.
Further north, at Dalston, Charles Debenham was the first teacher, also at an early time, and still further on, Thomas Williams, afterward a minister and missionary of the Methodist Church, taught school at Craighurst.
Frederick Gatesman taught in the common school at Barrie in 1842 and probably at an earlier time, after which he went to England.
The Government granted land for the erection of school houses, and for school purposes, generally, in the Towns of Barrie, Orillia and Penetanguishene. In fact, in nearly, if not quite, all of the three, at the times of the surveys of the original town plots, sites for schools was reserved.
At Orillia, during this pioneer period, there were a few teachers, mostly sent by the Methodist Church, including Thomas Williams, besides Andrew Moffatt and his wife.
At the same session of the District Council (February, 1844) the Council nominated the Rev. S. B. Ardagh as the County Superintendent of Education, in accordance with the new School Act. Owing to the increased duties place upon the County Superintendent under an ammended Common School Act, requiring a larger share of his time than he could spare, the Rev. S. B. Ardagh tendered his resignation in October, 1846, to take effect at the close of the year. The Council accepted his resignation and appointed Henry A. Clifford of Oro to the office. The increased duties referred to consisted in the change by which the school tax was to be paid to the District Superintendent instead of the Township Superintendents.
Mr. Clifford's salary as District Superintendent was only &3163;70 a year. He traversed the district on horseback and gave interesting reports of the condition of the schools, some of his reports having been printed. In 1847, he found there were, in Simcoe District, 83 common schools, taught by 79 male and only 4 female teachers. In this particular, it is worthy of note that nowadays female teachers preponderate of male teachers. There was also 14 Sunday Schools in operation. As a rule, teachers of good attainments could not be obtained for the mere pittance which trustees had it in their power to offer them. Mr. Clifford observes, in 1848, that the teachers' pay was frequently less than that paid to a common day laborer.
Under the Scool Act of 1849, township superintendents resumed the place they had formerly held, and Henry A. Clifford laid down his office, March 1, 1850. It was a period of frequent changes in school affairs, some of the changes not being always for the best. Before the use of the ballot at elections, in the days when everybody knew how everybody else voted, there were many instances when teachers lost their positions because they did not vote according to the views of their employers.
The Commons School Law of 1850 authorized the grammar school trustees and local superintendents to constitute a county board of Public Instruction, to examine and give certificates of qualification to teachers of the common schools. Hitherto, both district and township superintendents had given certificates of qualification to teachers, and the power of granting these did not desirably rest in the hands of a single individual. Hence the need for the establishment of the county board. The first meeting recorded of the Simcoe County Board of Public Instruction was held May 29, 1851. His Honor Judge Chas. R. Gowan being the chairman.
In January, 1852, the County Council considered the question of forming a second Board of Public Instruction, viz., for South SImcoe, which hitherto had been part of the territory of the first Board. but did not then take any steps to form a new Board. It registerd a protest, however, against having no power of control ovre the outlay of the existing board, whose expenses they were called upon to pay. In November, 1853, Rev. F. L. Osler petitioned the County Council for a Board of Instruction at Bond Head, where a grammar school was established about the same time. The Council deferred action upon the petition until the next session. A new law came into operation in January, 1854, giving the County Council power to appoint the trustees of the county grammar schools. This altered the circumstances, so the Council at their January session established a Board of Public Instruction at Bond Head, composed of the eight townships in the south half of the county as it was then constituted.
One of the changes made by the Common School Act of 1846 (9 Vict., chap. 20) was to abolish the office of Township Superintendent. But the Act of 1849, as it has been already stated, restored these 2 office for more than 21 years' longer. The names of the Township Superintendents appointed by the County Council for the various years in that preiod were:-
ESSA and TOSORONTIO: Thomas Drury, 1851-4.
ESSA: Rev. Wm. Fraser, 1855-6; J. W. Norris, M.D., 1857; Rob't T. Banting, 1858-71.
FLOS: Geo. McKay, 1855; Rev. S. Brownell, 1856; Henry A. Clifford, 1857; William Harvey, 1858-71.
WEST GWILLIMBURY: Rev. Wm. Fraser, 1851-71.
INNISFIL: Rev. Thomas Lowry, 1851-2; Rev. G. Nugent, 1853-4; Rev. S. B. Ardagh, 1855-6; J. W. Norris, M.D., 1857; Rev. Edward Morgan, 1858; Robert Cox, 1859; John Chantler, 1860; Rev. Thos. D. Pearson, 1861-2; Rev. Jacob Poole, June, 1862-71.
MEDONTE, TINY and TAY: Henry A. Clifford, 1851-2.
MEDONTE: Henry A. Clifford, 1853-9; James Shaw, 1860-4; Geo. Bush, 1865-7; Rev. R. H. Harris, 1868-9 and 1871; Rev. Wm. Johnston, 1870.
MONO: Abraham Martin, 1851-2; Rev. John Fletcher, 1853-6; Rev. Jacob Vanlinge, 1857-8; Moses Harshaw, 1859-62; Rev. John Corbett, 1863; Rev. Alex. Henderson, 1864-5; Rev. Richard Cleary, 1866-9; Rev. W. M. Christie, 1870-1.
MULMUR: John Little, 1851; Rev. John Fletcher, 1852-6; Rev. Jacob Vanlinge, 1857-8; John Cooper, 1859-60; Rev. Archibald Colquhoun, 1861-6, and 1869, 1870-1; Rev. John McCleary, 1867-8.
MORRISON and MUSKOKA: Jas. Bailey, sr., 1865; Jas. Bailey, jr., 1866-8.
MORRISON: Jas. Bailey, 1869; Joseph Wasdell, 1870-1.
MUSKOKA: Wm. H. Taylor, 1869-70; Rev. Walter Wright, 1871.
MONCK: Wm. H. Taylor, 1870-1.
NOTTAWASAGA and OSPREY: John Ferguson, 1851.
NOTTAWASAGA: Andrew Jardine, 1852-6; Rev. John Campbell, 1857; G. I. Bolster, 1858-9; Wm. Reed, 1860; Rev. John Campbell, June, 1860-1; Angus Bell, 1862-3; Rev. Jas. Greenfield, 1864-7; Rev. S. Briggs, 1868; Geo. C. McManus, M.D., 1869-71.
ORILLIA: Rev. Ari Raymond, 1851; Rev. John Gray, June, 1851-8; Rev. T. Bolton Read, 1859-62; Dr. Geo. H. Corbett, October, 1862; Rev. Alex. Stewart, 1863-71.
ORO: Duncan Clark, 1851; Rev. John Gray, 1852-9; Rev. James Stewart, August 1st, 1859-62; Rev. John Gray, June, 1862-4; Rev. Jas. Ferguson, 1865-71.
TAY and TINY: Wm. Simpson, 1853-67; George Mitchell, June, 1867-8; Rev. S. L. Atherton, June, 1868; Rev. John Flood, 1869.
TAY: John Irving, 1870-1.
TINY: Rev. John Flood, 1870-1.
TECUMSETH: Rev. S. L. Osler, 1851-6; Rev. Wm. Fraser, 1861-2; Rev. A. J. Fiddler, 1863-8; Rev. John Davidson, 1869-71.
TOSORONTIO: Rev. John Fletcher, 1855-6; J. W. Norris, M.D., 1857; Rev. J. Vanlinge, 1858-9; John Anderson, 1860; Wm. Wright, 1861-2; Rev. Alex. McClennan, 1863-9; Rev. Jas. Matheson, 1870-1.
VESPRA, FLOS and SUNNIDALE: Patrick A. Smith, 1851; Rev. Thos. Lowry, June, 1851-2; Rev. G. Nugent, 1853-4.
VESPRA and SUNNIDALE: Rev. John Douse, 1855; Rev. S. B. Ardagh, 1856; Henry A. Clifford, 1857; Ephraim Dean, 1858; George Lane, 1859.
SUNNIDALE: Wm. Gladstone, 1860; Ephraim Dean, 1861-3, and 1865; Rev. John Campbell, 1864; Rev. Jas. Greenfield, Nov., 1864, and June 1865-7; Alex. Heaslip, 1868-71.
VESPRA: George Lane, 1860; George Sneath, 1861-71.
BARRIE: John Douse, 1854-6.
WATT and CARDWELL: Christopher Martin, 1871.
ST. VINCENT, EUPHRASIA and COLLINGWOOD Townships: Jason Burchell, 1851.
ARTEMESIA: Charles Draper, 1851.
In more than half of the townships throughout this county, as elsewhere, the local superintendents were clergymen of some Protestant denomination. This gave umbrage to Roman Catholics, and was one of the chief reasons for the Separate School clauses in the Act of 1853. By the year 1859, there were Separate Schools established in Nottawasaga, Orillia, Vespra and Barrie, and the By-law in that year to raise the levy throughout the county for school purposes specifies the schools of this kind for the first time. Thomas R. Ferguson, M.P. for South Simcoe, introduced a Bill into the House of Assembly to repeal the Separate Schools Act or clauses, March 30, 1860. But his Bill was withdrawn, May 18, and he reintroduced it in 1861, but with the same results.
The Ninth Volume of the Documentary History of Education contains an account of the early school buildings and accommodation by the Rev. John Gray, D.D., who was School Inspector for Oro and Orillia for several years. It was part of a paper he prepared for the East Simcoe Teachers' Association in 1892.
The County Council, in June, 1869, offered some opposition to the proposal made by the Rev. Dr. Egerton Ryerson, the Chief Superintendent of Education, to abolish the office of Local or Township Superintendent and appoint County Superintendents. The system of having clergymen inspect the common schools had already produced separate schools and other unfortunate results, and it was deemed to be time for a change. Dr. Ryerson attended a convention in Barrie in January, 1869, and the County Council then in session also attended the same convention, with a view to arriving at an agreement, but this did not allay their opposition or convince them of the need of a change. The Act passed the Ontario Legislature in due course, abolishing the Township Superintendents and introducing a new order of affairs. In June, 1871, the Council appointed, in compliance with the Act, the Rev. William McKee, inspector of schools for the South Riding of the County, and James C. Morgan, inspector for the North Riding. In the following January the Council protested because the new school law increased the expenses of inspection and the Board of Examiners. Also because there was a higher standard required for the certificates then under the old Board, with the prospective result (in the opinion of the Council) that many schools would be closed. Their fears ultimately proved to be groundless. By the late school changes, a Board of Examiners for the County took the place of the Boards of Public Instruction, North and South.
In January, 1876, the County Council set apart the District of Muskoka and Parry Sound as a distinct school inspectorate, and appointed the Rev. A. Findlay as Inspector, but it would appear that the Education Department did not consent to the change, and no payment to the Rev. Mr. Findlay appears in the County records. Hitherto the schools of the new districts had been in the inspectorate of North Simcoe. In October, 1878, the Council requested the Education Department to set apart Muskoka District for Inspectoral purposes, and followed up the request in the following January by appointing the Rev. Thos. McKee, school inspector for the proposed inspectorate, of the Muskoka District. Early in the ensuing March, the Minister of Education signified his concurrence in the arrangement, and the Rev. Thos. McKee entered upon his duties. Owing to the difficulties the people of Muskoka townships had to contend with, they could keep the schools in some sections open only one-half of the year.
In 1877, Model Schools were established in Barrie and Bradford for training school teachers, one in each of the two ridings of the county. At its October session, the County Council granted $100 to each for yearly maintenance.
Rev. William McKee resigned his position as Public School Inspector for South Simcoe, and the County Council appointed Rev. Thomas McKee as his successor, in June, 1881. Again, in 1887, the Council, finding the schools of North Simcoe required a third inspector, set apart East Simcoe as a distinct inspectorate, and in November appointed Isaac Day to fill the position. In 1906, James C. Morgan having resigned as Public School Inspector for North Simcoe, the Council appointed G. K. Mills to succeed him.
The Public School Act of 1896 having authorized Continuation Classes for pupils who passed the entrance and public school leaving examinations, and certain schools in the county having taken advantage of the provision, the County Council granted, in November of that year, $2.50 per capita to each school for the half year ending December 31, 1896. This resulted in considerable outlay on account of the Continuation Classes which were established in several parts of the county which had hitherto been unprovided with facilities for advanced school training.
The history of the advanced schools of the county is not without an interest of its own. On August 3, 1843, the Governor-General, Sir Charles Metcalfe, issued a commission appointing trustees for a District Grammar School, (Simcoe being then called a District instead of a County). And the District Council, on August 9, set apart the large room in the lower storey of the east wing of the Court House at Barrie for the use of the Grammar School, to be occupied until suitable buildings could be provided. His Honor Judge Ardagh supplied a sketch of the early grammar school for the fifth volume of the Documentary History of Education (p. 283).
The Government granted nine lots in Barrie for a school house and master's residence. Frederick Gore, the headmaster of the Grammar School, received the patents for three lots (Nos. 24, 25, 26 making a total of 3/4 acres) on the north side of Blake Street, August 20, 1845, also No. 12 on the south side of Collingwood Street, and others at later times. But the undertaking of the erection of new buildings proceeded slowly. By March 20 of the same year (1845) the attendance of pupils at the Grammar School, which was the only one in the county at that time receiving government grants, had reached 43, according to the report for that year. In October, 1848, the Grammar School was still carried on in the Court House, although not without a growing dissatisfaction at the slowness of the completion of the new building, on the part of the District Council. The room in the Court House was in use for the Grammar School until 1849, the trustees having appealed to the District Council for a grant of money to enable them to finsih the school house. In the later fifties, Mr. Gore was succeeded as Head Master by the Rev. W. F. Checkley.
In June, 1859, the above institution, which at this time was known as the Senior Grammar School, needed enlargement and improvement. When built, it was calculated for only 30 pupils, but as the attendance had increased to 66 daily, further accommodation was required. The members of the County Council made a personal inspection of the school and granted $700 for the extension of the building. At a later time (about the year 1868) the name was changed to "High School," and in 1880 it became a Collegiate Institute, when the old building was abandoned for the one now in use.
There was a Grammar School in Bond Head at January, 1854, it having been built and opened at an earlier date, viz., 1852; but this is the first time it appears in the county records, the County Council at that time having appointed trustees for the institution. It would appear that it did not flourish. In the Documentaty History of Education, (Volume 14, p. 69), Dr. Egerton Ryerson's letters give some facts in regard to this Grammar School at Bond Head. It was open six weeks in 1856, but vacant the first half of 1857 and the average attendance was only six in the latter half of the last named year; so that Common and Grammar Schools at Bond Head were united into one school. Rev. F. L. Osler, who was the moving spirit of the institution, was removed to Ancaster, Ontario, the same year (1857), and the school languished for a while afterward. In 1859, the school and even the school house, at Bond Head, were moved to Bradford, which had petitioned the Council for a grammar school two years before this time (viz., in June, 1857), but the Council had been prevented from establishing one at Bradford owing to the existence of the one at Bond Head. Even in January, 1857, the Finance Committee of the County Council had disapproved very much of the former management of the Bond Head Grammar School, and more especially of that of the year 1856, it having been notorious that the school had been vacant for the greater part of the year.
Bradford raised $2,000 by debentures for enlarging and improving the High School in January, 1891, but it was soon afterward destroyed by fire. Early in 1892, the citizens raised a further sum of $3,000 for rebuilding the institution, which is now well equipped and furnished.
Collingwood petitioned the County Council in June, 1857, for a Grammar School, and the Council established one in accordance with the request, and passed a By-law for that purpose, on June 20. The first Principal of the School was the Rev. John Langtry, who taught the first classes in his own house. Another teacher in Collingwood was Frederick Gore, who had formerly taught the Grammar School in Barrie, had afterward gone to Collingwood, where, about 1863, he taught for some three years. Rev. Robert Rodgers became the Principal in 1865, or earlier. In Mr. Gore's time, the school was kept in a building on Front Street, and later, in Mr. Rodger's term, in the Council Hall. W. Williams, B.A., became the Principal in 1873, and for twenty-eight years and a half held the position, retiring in August, 1901, when G. K. Mills, B.A., was appointed. During the long period of Mr. William's Principalship, the institution developed rapidly. A brick building was erected in 1874, and an addition was made to it in 1879, making a well-equipped building. With the beginning of 1879 it became a Collegiate Institute, the first to receive the name in this county.
In January, 1876, the County Council passed a By-law to establish a High School in the Town of Orillia, the first trustees of which were:--Rev. A. Stewart, Rev. John Gray, H. S. Scadding, Melville Miller, D. J. Beaton, and George J. Booth.
In June, 1895, the County Council fixed by By-law, the fees to be paid by pupils attending the several High Schools and Collegiate Institutes at $1 per month while in attendance. In more recent years, high schools were established in Midland and Penetanguishene.
THE EARLY PRESS
Another teaching force-the Press- next deserves attention; and although it is not under the care of officials, none the less it is all important to the people, and should not be omitted. Few persons will dispute that the Press of the county has exerted a powerful influence on its material condition. Among the earliest persons of distinction in this county to play an important part in Canadian journalism was Hugh Scobie. Coming from the north of Scotland as an emigrant about 1834, he settled on a farm half a mile west of Bradford. But, not finding Canadian forest life congenial to his tastes, he soon changed his abode to Toronto, where he established the British Colonist, retaining, however, for several years after this, his West Gwillmbury farm. The greater part of the official printing of the District of Simcoe (i.e., for the Court of Quarter Sessions, and for the District Council) was done by Mr. Scobie from 1844 to 1847. The publishing house which he founded in Toronto at that early date is now the well-known firm of Copp, Clark & Co.
Although Simcoe County can thus claim an early adventurer in Canadian Journalism it was not till August 6th, 1847, that the county produced a newspaper of its own. The first journal published north of Toronto was issued in Barrie on that date under the proprietorship and editorial management of Thomas Fox Davies. Mr. Davies' partner was Wm. R. Robertson, but the partnership was discontinued after three months, and Mr. Davies assumed control. This pioneer representative of the press was called the Magnet. At first it was neutral in politics, but afterward gave a support to the Baldwin Reform Party. Up to this time great inconvenience had been experienced by the District officials and the business men, owing to the want of a local press, each one feeling that the settlement of this northern country was retarded thereby. Efforts were made to induce some enterprising "typo" to locate in the county town and supply the want; but without a guarantee of 500 subscribers to start with, none would risk his time and means in a district so sparsely settled, so little known, and so unfavorably spoken of by those on the frontier. The Magnet, soon after it was established, did good service in advocating the first railway through the county, as it has already been shown in the chapter on the Northern Railway, and in other ways it promoted the development of the new district. In 1852 Mr. Davies changed the name of his paper to the Northern Advance, and under this name it continues to flourish at the present day. Two years later (in 1854) Richard J. Oliver became proprietor of the Advance plant, and added thereto a book bindery. He owned it for several years, until he was appointed locating agent for the free grant lands in Muskoka.
To offset the Reform influence of the Magnet, a Conservative journal, called the Herald was established in 1851 by the Hon. James Patton in conjunction with Dr. Pass, Hewett Bernard, Capt. E. A. Walker, and others. After an existence of three of four years the Herald expired, leaving the Advance alone in the field. But the Conservative party soon became tired of its milk and water policy, and after the Herald had been dead for about a year, the plant of the Herald expired, leaving the Advance alone in the field. But the Constock company consisting of D'Arcy Boulton, D'Alton McCarthy, sr., Dr. Pass, Daniel Bell, H. R. A. Boys, his Honor Judge Boys, and others. This company established in 1857 a new paper,--The Spirit of the Age, which was placed under the management of Mr. Davies, who conducted it in the interests of out-and-out Conservatism and Orangeism. After an existence of about five years, The Spirit of the Age expired. During the two last years of its issue it was the property and under the control of Messrs. Hunt & Parks, of Toronto.
The person, who has been referred to so frequently in the foregoing remarks, viz., Thomas Fox Davies, the pioneer publisher of this county, and in fact, one of the pioneers of Provincial journalism in Ontario, was born in the City of Manchester, Eng., in September, 1819, and began his career as a printer at the age of fifteen in the office of the Manchester and Salford Advertiser. In 1837, when the Advertiser added to its plant the first cylinder or power press out of London, Mr. Davies, than a young man, was appointed its first pressman. After the close of his seven years' apprenticeship, he sailed to America, landing in New York, Sept. 9, 1843. He spent a short period in New Orleans and Cincinnati, afterward settling in Toronto, where he operated the first cylinder press in Canada for Peter Brown of the Globe, in the year 1845. A sketch appeared in the Toronto Globe, Feb. 9, 1901, giving the career of the veteran printer, Mr. Davies, whose death occurred Nov. 10, 1903, at the age of 84 years.
William Manley Nicholson established the Barrie Examiner in February, 1864. Mann & Richardson established the Northern Gazette in 1868, and soon afterward it became the property of Nathaniel King.
At Bradford, R. Goldie started a newspaper called the Bradford Chronicle about the time of the opening of the Northern Railway in 1853. It lived for five or six years. William Donaldson started another newspaper at Bradford in 1855, called the Times, a Liberal journal, which had an existence of about ten years. In 1866, Porter & Broughton purchased the plant of the defunct Times and started the South Simcoe News, which one of the firm, H. S. Broughton, conducted for more than a quarter of a century and then sold it to Edmund Garrett of the Witness, whose office and plant had been completely destroyed in the fire that visited Bradford early in 1892. The last number of the News appeared on April 7, 1892.
At Collingwood, John Hogg started the Enterprise in the beginning of January, 1857. He retained some connection with the newspaper throughout his whole life, and took a prominent part in the public affairs of the town and county, as it has been shown in another chapter. At a later time, George Foreman started a paper called the Review, but it did not exist for any length of time. David Robson started the Bulletin in 1871, which at a later time was purchased by Wm. Williams.
George P. Hughes started at Keenansville in 1865 the Simcoe Observer, and after the first three years called it the Sentinel. He moved the plant to Tottenham in 1882, where it has since been issued.
The first newspaper published in Orillia was the Times, which made its appearance, May 2, 1867, under the cumbersome title of "The Orillia Expositor and North Simcoe Journal of the Times," or briefly, the Expositor, as it was called at first. To establish this newspaper. C Blackett Robinson, then proprietor of the Lindsay Post, sent Peter Murray, and provided him with a press and plant, forwarded by waggon along the Atherley Road. After 26 years' connection with the Times, Mr. Murray sold it to the present proprietor, H. T. Blackstone, in the beginning of Sept. 1893. About 1872, Robert Ramsay had a newspaper at Orillia for a while, called the Northern Light. The Orillia Packet was established in 1870 by W. Hale, and is still published by Hale Brothers. John Curran started the Orillia News-Letter in 1883.
At Alliston, M. C. McCarthy established the Star about the year 1871, and E. A. Newton, the Herald, at a later period.
Paul H. Stewart established the Cookstown Advocate in July, 1874, and it carried on for a few years, afterward being appointed the Assistant County Treasurer, which office he filled until his death. At a later time another journal having the same name appeared in Cookstown.
A. C. Osborne and his eldest son founded the Penetanguishene Herald in 1881, and carried it on for two or three years, when he sold out his interest to Donald R. McKay. After Mr. McKay had it for about two years, he in turn sold out to Wm. H. Hewson.
First, a history of the public affairs of the county, and of its material progress, its institutions, etc.
Second, a record of its pioneers with brief sketches of their lives, more especially those pioneers who took some part in public affairs.
As to the sources from which the material has been gathered for this work, only a few remarks are necessary. In some degree, the work of a person who undertakes to write a history of modern times, whether general or local, consists in going over newspaper files and similar records. The writer did some work of this kind, but he had also to develop the history of the days before the newspapers began in the county, and in so far as any plan could be made it was his chief aim to secure as much material as possible about the pre-newspaper days while it is still possible to get it, since it becomes more difficult to do so as time passes. For parts of the first volume he went through the printed proceedings of the District Council and of its successor, the County Council, from the beginning in 1843 to the present time, and also the Canadian statutes. For the second volume much was gathered at various times during the last thirty years from pioneers, most of whom are now passed away. To cite all the authorities, for the statements made herein, would take space only a trifle less in amount than the work itself. So it has been thought inadvisable to encumber the present text with footnotes stating the authorities, as these can be, for the present, supplied by the author to those who may require them and will apply to him.
Attempts at the compilation of a general history of this county have hitherto been confined for the most part to two or three directories issued more than thirty years ago and to an Atlas issued to subscribers in 1880 at the high price of $12.75 each. The Gazatteer and Directory of Simcoe for 1866-7 (McEvoy & Co. Toronto, 1866) had some historical notes interspersed throughout its pages, and similar notes appeared in the later editions of the same published by W. H. Irwin. A more extended compilation was the Historical Sketch in Belden's Atlas (Toronto, 1880) issued at the unpopular price mentioned above. These compilations, all the work of non-residents, and anonymous, have a high percentage of error, which the conditions made inevitable. They give but scanty aid, as pilots, to anyone aiming at the preparation of a full history. Notwithstanding its faults, the Atlas sketch shows much patient toil and research, and as a first effort it deserves some credit.
The printing, in 1895, of the Minutes of the first District Council of Simcoe, 1843-7, which was the period before the advent of the printing press in the county, was accomplished in 1895 under the supervision of his Honour Judge Ardagh, and was an important step as it aroused some interest in the county's history. Besides its utility it discloses some of the quaint proceedings of the governing body of the county in the earliest years of its existence.
The first draft of this History appeared as a serial which the author wrote and published from week to week in the columns of the Barrie Examiner, beginning in the issue of that newspaper for October 24, 1889, and concluding in that of February 5, 1891. Appearing in that shape, it had the advantage of a winnowing through the columns of a newspaper, and it underwent the criticisms and corrections which such a process brings.
The Hon. J. S. Duff addressed the County Council on January 30, 1908, requesting them to take the initiative in having a History of the County brought to completion. The Council having thereupon resolved to bring out a History, and having appointed a special committee consisting of Councillors A. C. Garden (Chairman), Messrs. Clark, Picotte, Scanlon, Potter, Lawson and the Warden (Donald Currie Barr), who has taken a lively interest in the production of the work, the author placed the original material at their service, with the reminder that much work was required to complete it. This they authorized in the following May, and the work then proceeded. Numerous long extracts were expunged from the original, and the remaining matter fully revised and increased fivefold, the result being the work now presented."
When Samuel de Champlain returned to Canada from France in 1615 he brought with him four friars of the Récollets- one of the three branches of which the Franciscan brotherhood consisted,- to undertake a mission work among the Indians of the country. One of these Franciscans, Joseph Le Caron, with twelve French soldiers, the very first summer of their arrival in Canada, made his way from Montreal to the populous Huron tribes of our own county, travelling hither in the company of a party of Hurons who had been there to trade. Champlain himself, with two other Frenchmen, followed with another party of Hurons eight days later. Both parties in turn journeyed by the usual route of that period, viz., up the Ottawa River, across Lake Nipissing, and down French River, by which they reached the shores of Georgian Bay; then, passing down its easterly side, they arrived in the country of the Hurons, landing somewhere on the north-east shore of the Township of Tiny.
Chabondasheam...............................Reinder
Aasance............................................ Otter
Wabininquone.................................. Pike
Ningawson........................................ Reindeer
Omassanahsqutawah...................... Reindeer
"Beginning at a stone boundary, 20 chains N., 81 degrees W. from the base of Kempenfeldt Sand Point, (which is projecting about five and a half chains into Kempenfeldt Bay), thence (i.e., from the stone boundary), N. 40 degrees W., thirty-six miles and a quarter, more or less, to Lake Huron; then along the shore to the bottom of Nottawaysague Bay, at the N.W. angle of the Penetanguishene purchase; thence along its S.W. boundary seven and a half miles to a small bay called Opetequoyawsing; thence northerly out the bay, (i.e., out of Mud Lake), to Glocester or Sturgeon Bay and following the shore of Matchedash Bay easterly, southerly and northerly until it intersects a line at or near the mouth of a small lake, being the western boundary of a purchase said to have been made in 1785, thence south along the westerly limits of the said purchase, eleven miles, more or less, until it intersects a line produced N. 78 degrees W. from the waters of Lake Simcoe near the carrying place hereinafter mentioned; then S. 78 degrees E. along the S. boundary line of the said last mentioned purchase to the waters of Lake Simcoe, near to a carrying place leading to a small lake, distant about three miles westerly; and then southwesterly along the northwestern shore of Lake Simcoe and Kempenfeldt Bay, to the place of beginning, containing about 250,000 acres of land."
Musquakie, or Yellow Head..................Reindeer.
Kaqueticum, or Snake.......................Cat Fish.
Maskigouce, or Swamp.......................Otter.
Manitonobe, or Male Devil..................Pike.
by the District of London on the west,
by Lake Huron (i.e., Georgian Bay) on the north
by the Penetanguishene purchase (made in 1815) on the east, and
by the south shore of Kempenfeldt Bay, the western shore of Lake Simcoe, and Cook's Bay and the Holland River to the N.W. angle of the Township of King.
This large tract contained 1,592,000 acres by computation.
"Old Chief Yellowhead died in 1865 (1864) aged 106 years. He was an honest Indian, much respected by all who knew him, and he continued to frequent his hunting grounds (in Muskoka) till a few days before his death. On his last trip he called at the residence of the writer (in Draper Township), and remained over night."
Dear Sir,- The Lieutenant-Governor has just sent me a communication from Mr. Darling, a surgeon, recently arrived at the Indian settlement at Coldwater, stating that a decided case of cholera had mades its appearance among the Indians, and remarking that from the exposure the settlers are subject to, for want of shelter, the disease would most probably spread amongst them. I beg, therefore, that you will, if circumstances should make it necessary, have erected such accommodation for them as you may judge their numbers and situations require and afford them all the relief in your power. However, as the disease does not appear to spread at Newmarket or any other country place, I am inclined to think the settlers will, in a great measure, escape.
Mr. Wellesly Richie, Medonte.
"Mr. Cowan is much liked by the Indians. He was taken prisoner by the French at Fort Pitt, during the war of 1758 and '59, when a boy. He has adopted all the customs and manners of the Canadians and speaks much better French than English. He has been settled at Matchedash upwards of fifteen years without once going to Lower Canada. he makes an annual trip to Michilimackinac to meet his supplies there and forward his furs to Montreal. He has in general six Canadians engaged with him, and is well known to that class of people by the name of Constant." He lived at that spot for many years, and brought up a family, all educated and respected. A century has elapsed since this historic figure passed from the scene of his labours.
"A sure market for provisions could easily be accomplished by opening a communication with the Bay of Matchedash, from whence to the island of St. Joseph the distance is only ninety leagues."
He then compares this route with the Detroit route. Johnston did not doubt but that Matchedash, under this scheme, "would soon become the most thriving place in Upper Canada, and the centre of provisions and transport trade for the fur countries."
"On June 4th, 1819, I commenced my long-talked of journey to examine the natural but more particularly the botanical productions of Upper Canada and of the States in the vicinity of the Lakes."
He set out from Montreal on this date, and in the course of his journey during the summer visited Kingston, York (Toronto), Holland Landing and many other places.
"Having gone on slowly I arrived in the evening at what is called the Upper Landing Place, which is about nine miles by water from Lake Simcoe. I stopped at the farthest house upon this road, and have bespoken a week's lodging here, as I expect that it is a spot very interesting for the botanist."
"This evening a company of the 70th Regiment from Drummond Island, in Lake Huron, arrived here. They have been up the country for two years, and have been exchanged for two companies of the 68th."
"This being the last day of my abode here, I shall mention a few things more concerning this part of the country. Lake Simcoe is beteween thirty and forty miles lomg, and of considerable breadth, but I could not ascertain accurately how many miles. On the south side there is what is called a river (the Holland), which, although of no great breadth, has yet sufficient depth to allow schooners to come to the Upper Landing Place, which is nine mile from the lake and thirty-six from York. The river apparently is stagnant, and the water has more the appearance of flowing in a retrograde motion, from the lake, than the contrary.
After crossing the lake there is nine miles of a portage, (this evidently refers to the Nine Mile Portage from the head of Kempenfeldt Bay), and then there is water carriage all the way to Lake Huron. It is very probable that at no very distant period this will become the most frequented of all the routes to the North West. At the present time there are no houses nor stores on the north side of Simcoe at the portage, which makes it very troublesome, and also much of the goods transported are liable to be injured by the weather. Since the steamship boat has commenced to sail on Lake Erie, the cheapest and most expeditious mode of sending down the furs from the interior is by that route, although it is four hundred miles longer than by Simcoe. There is nothing but one schooner upon the lake (Lake Simcoe), which is sufficient for all the trade at present. Since I came here I have seen a number of rare plants, and some of them are nondescripts."
"We next crossed Lake Ontario in a sailing boat, and came to York, (now Toronto), the capital of Upper Canada, where we were kindly received by the Lieutenant-Governor, Sir Peregrine Maitland, and by Colonel Cockburn, and the Commissioners then employed on an inquiry respecting the value of the Crown Lands. From York we passed on to Lake Simcoe, in carts and other conveyances, halting for the night at the hospitable house of Mr. Robinson, of Newmarket.
The following correction was sent in by John Korchok: One small correction might be made near the end of the first paragraph of chapter 4: Fort Rouillé was built in 1750. The fort operated in 1749 was a temporary structure operated by the Sieur de Portneuf. You can refer to Percy J. Robinson's "Toronto During the French Régime 1615-1793" for more details.
"We embarked on the 22nd of April, having previously loaded the flotilla with provisions and stores, descending the Nottawasaga River-- the ice in the upper part of which being still firm, we opened a channel through it-- encamped on the night of the 24th of April in a dismal spot upon the north-eastern shore of Lake Huron (Georgian Bay), and on the following morning entered upon the attempt to cross that lake, covered as it was, as far as the eye could reach, by fields of ice, through which, in almost constant, and, at times, terrific storms, we succeeded, with the loss of only one boat in effecting a passage of nearly three hundred miles, arriving at Michilimackinac on the 18th of May. The expedition had occupied upwards of one hundred days, including our passage over the lake."
"The Nancy was lying about two miles up the Nottawasaga, under the protection of a block-house, situated on the south-east side of the river, which here runs parallel to, and forms a narrow peninsula with the shore of Gloucester Bay (Nottawasaga Bay). This enabled Captain Sinclair to anchor his vessels within good battering distance of the block-house. A spirited cannonade was kept up between them and the block-house, where, besides two 24-pounder carronades on the ground, a six pounder was mounted. The three American vessels outside, composed of the Niagara, mounted 18 carronades, (thirty-two pounders), and two long twelve pounders, and the Tigress and the Scorpion mounted between them one long twelve, and two long twenty-four pounders. In addition to this force, a five-and-a-half inch howitzer, with a suitable detachment of artillery, had been landed on the peninsula. Against these 24 pieces of cannon, and upwards of 500 men, were opposed one piece of cannon and twenty-three officers and seamen.
Further resistance was in vain; and just as Lieut. Worsley had prepared a train, leading to the Nancy from the block-house, one of the enemy's shells burst in the latter, and both the block-house and the vessel were presently blown up. Lieut. Worsley and his men escaped in their boat up the river; and fortunately, the whole of tbe North-West Company's richly laden canoes, bound across the lake, escaped also into French River. Having thus led to the destruction of a vessel which the Amercian commander had the modesty to describe "His Britannic Majesty's schooner Nancy,' Captain Sinclair departed for Lake Erie, leaving the Tigress and the Scorpion to blockade the Nottawasaga, and, as that was the only route by which supplies could be readily forwarded, to starve the garrison of Michilimackinac into a surrender. After remaining at their station for a few days, the two American schooners took a trip to the neighborhood of St. Joseph's. Here they were discoverd, on the 25th August, by some Indians on the way to Michilimackinac."
"I had it in contemplation, some days past, to make my way through the forest to the head of the Nottawasaga River on ojects connected with the duty on which I was engaged. A road had been cut, but it was in a rude state, being a mere track where the trees had been partially felled by the axe, and the stumps, even of these, very imperfectly removed. This road led from the end of Kempenfeldt Bay, straight to the Nottawasaga River, making a portage of eight miles. Keeping along the shore of the bay, till we reached the track, we tben pursued it to the head of the Nottawasaga River. We walked a good pace till we reached the point of our destination, and having remained there a short time, so as to satisfy myself as to the objects I had in view, we commenced our return."
Adjala
1820
Samuel M. Benson
Essa
1820
Samuel M. Benson
Flos
1821 & 1822
John Goessman
West Gwillimbury
1819
Gabriel Lount
Innisfil
1820
Richard Birdsall
Matchedash (Lots)
1830
Samuel Richardson
Matchedash (Road)
1836
James Hamilton
Medonte
1820
Jas. G. Chewett
Nottawasaga
Nottawasaga1832
1833Thomas Kelly
Chas. Rankin
Orillia
1820
Jas. G. Chewett
Oro
1820
Jas. G. Chewett
Sunnidale
1832 & 1833
Thos. Kelly
Tay
1820
Jas. G. Chewett
Tecumseth
TecumsethPart in 1819
Part in 1832Gabriel Lount
George Lount
Tiny
1821 & 1822
John Goessman
Tosorontio
1821
Hugh Black
Vespra
Vespra1820
1835Jas. G. Chewett
John Goessman
TOWNSHIP
DATE
PATENTER
ACRES
Adjala
Aug. 7, 1820
Ezekiel Benson
2000
Essa
Aug. 8, 1820
Ezekiel Benson
3400
Flos
May 31, 1823
John Goessman
2214
W. Gwillimbury
Aug. 23, 1820
Gabriel Lount
1900
Innisfil
May 2, 1820
Jas. Pearson
3800
Medonte
Nov. 21, 1820
Jas. G. Chewett
2900
Nottawasaga
Sept. 1842
John McDonald
5600
Orillia (North)
Dec. 28, 1821
Andrew Borland & Wm. Roe
2900
Orillia (South)
Dec. 28, 1821
Andrew Borland & Wm. Roe
1300
Oro
Aug. 24, 1820
Jas. G. Chewett
3100
Tay
Oct. 16, 1830
Andrew Boland & Wm. Roe
1925
Tecumseth
May 6, 1820
Gabriel Lount
2368
Tiny
May 31, 1823
John Goessman
4320
Tosorontio
Apr. 18, 1822
Allan Robinet
2280
Vespra
May 31, 1821
Jas. G. Chewett
1970
Hythe, near the mouth of the Nottawasaga River, 1833.
Ripon, on the Nottawasaga River, near Angus, 1833.
Innisfallen, on Shingle Bay, near Orillia, 1834.
Amsterdam, on the Holland River, near Bradford, 1836.
Port Powell, on lots 9 and 10, con. 9, Tay, on Sturgeno Bay, 1846,
Leith, beside Allandale, on the south side of Kempenfeldt Bay.
Everton, on lot 111, con. 1, Tay, W. of Midland Bay, 1853.
Bristol, on lot 24, con. 6, Vespra, W. of Barrie.
Sudbury, near Collingwood, Feb. 1856.
Drumlanrig, on lot 24, con. 12, Medonte, etc., near Coldwater, 1856.
West Gwillimbury (new survey)
186 locations
Tecumseth
181
Innisfil
100
Essa
7
Oro
75
Vespra
30
Medonte
7
Flos
5
Tiny
7
Tay
15
West Gwillimbury and Tecumseth
6 shillings per acre
Adjala, Innisfil, Essa and Tosorontio
5 shillings per acre
Oro, Vespra, Flos, Medonte, Orillia, Tay and Tiny
4 shillings per acre
Field officers
25 years service
£ 300
Field officers
20 years service
£ 250
Field officers
15 years service
£ 200
Captains
20 years service
£ 200
Captains
15 years service
£ 150
Subalterns
20 years service
£ 150
Subalterns
7 years service
£ 100
French-Canadians (begun in 1828), Tiny, Tay.
Scots (fron Islay, Argyleshire. Begun in 1832).....Oro and Nottawasaga chiefly, and a few familes of the same migration into Medonte, Orillia, Sunnidale.
Scots (Lanarkshire and Renfrewshire, via Dalhousie Township, Ont., in 1832. Many Glasgow and Paisley weavers were among these).....Innisfil,Essa.
Scots (Dumfrieshire, 1832 to 1850)Innisfil.
Irish Palantines (about 10 familes in 1831).....West Gwillimbury.
Irish (Catholics, begun in 1828).....Adjala, Vespra, Flos, Medonte, Nottawasaga.
Irish (from Londonderry in 1850, etc.,).....Innisfil.
NAME
NATIVE COUNTRY
DEATH
AGE
RESIDENCE
John McKay
Kintyre, Scotland
Jan. 31, 1857
107
Nottawasaga
Arthur Gough
Co. Mayo, Ireland
Dec. 12, 1874
101
W. Gwillimbury
Daniel McCurdy
Co. Antrim, Ireland
June 3, 1878
100
Tecumseth
Wm. Mackie
Co. Armagh, Ireland
Apr. 17, 1879
106
W. Gwillimbury
Angus Sutherland
Scotland
Mar. 24, 1885
103
W. Gwillimbury
Jane Campbell
Tyrone, Ireland
Jan. 29, 1889
102
Glencairn
James Duross
Ireland
May 15, 1896
113
Adjala
Eugene Smith
Cork, Ireland
Mar. 11, 1908
101
Vespra & Barrie
Francis Ruddell
Glasgow, Scotland
Nov. 11, 1908
100
Midland
Mrs. Stewart
Scotland
Feb. 18, 1899
106
Minesing
Cornelius McCarthy
Co. Cork, Ireland
Jan. 28, 1905
106
Tay
"The trip from Holland Landing to Kempenfeldt consumed no less than a week, a day or two of which was spent at the mouth of Cook's Bay. Proceeding tbence along the south shore, calls were made at Jackson's Point and Beaverton of the present, wben the craft, commanded by Captain Borland, endeavoured to make Orillia, but could not pass the Lake Couchiching Narrows. A day was employed in replenishing her fuel hold, but for want of a safe landing place the wood had to be brought off the shore in small boats. Continuing her course westward along the north shore of the lake, halts were made at the cabin of every settler along the route, as they were all stockholders in the enterprise, possessed of very convivial dispositions, and only to eager too 'celebrate' the advent of steam navigation upon Lake Simcoe; so what mattered the fact that a week's cruise was necessary to chain the two termini? Time was not 'of the essence,' and even though it had been, many of the settlers kept a more powerful 'essence' on tap in their cabins, which accounts in some degree for the length of time spent on the pioneer cruise of the pioneer steamer over the most charming of inland Canadian water stretches."
"LAKE SIMCOE-STEAMBOAT NOTICE-The Peter Robinson will leave Holland Landing for the Narrows, via Barrie and Oro, every Monday and Friday, and via Georgina and Thoriah every Wednesday. On return to Holland Landing will leave the Narrows every Tuesday and Saturday, via Thoriah and Georgina, and via Oro and Barrie every Thursday. The hour of departure for the Holland Landing and the Narrows will be 8 a.m. precisely,--WM. LAUGHTON, Managing Owner."
Single tickets for the trip 5s.
For a Gentlemen and Lady, 7s. 6d.
Do. with Two Ladies, 10s.
Meals will be provided on board at 1s. 3d. each. The "Beaver" will proceed to Georgina the same evening.
She was one hundred and fifty feet in keel, was fitted with upper cabins, and in every way a magnificent steamer for those days, and had a record of fifteen miles per hour, which is much faster than the majority of steamers on our lakes at the present time. Her cost was $60,000. She was called after the late Judge Morrison, who at that time was president of the Northern Railway Company. Her route was from Bell Ewart to Beaverton and Orillia, making daily trips."
"The Indian and his family were on their route to Lake Huron, and they had now eight miles to travel to the Nottawasaga River, all which distance it was necessary to carry the canoe. He immediately commenced preparations to take it on his back, and for this purpose he fixed a broad strip of birch bark to the center thwart, making the ends fast to each opposite gunwale. The thwart then rested on his shoulders, and, having placed a piece of bark doulbled under it to prevent its galling, he contrived to lay the greater part of the weight of the canoe on his forehead by means of the strip of bark, which at the same time kept all steady. The canoe once poised was nearly horizontal, and on he marched, caring little for the weight. Before he set off, however, the squaw stuck his gun and the fish spear under the thwarts, and then made up her own bundle. She carried this, much in the same way, by means of a forehead strap; and on the top of it the Desmotes rode upon its board, having been first safely tied by the little girl with strips of bark, so that it could not possibly fall off. The three children brought up the rear, and the whole party soon disappeared."
After the termination of the war, the government built storehouses (in or about the year 1819) one at the southeast end of the portage, the other at Willow Creek. This was done to shelter the supplies transported to the military posts which were still maintained at Penetanguishene, Michilimackinac, and other places on the upper lakes.
"The tract of land between Kempenfeldt and Penetanguishene Bays has been lately purchased from the Indians, and a road is opening which will enable the Northwest Company to transport their furs from Lake Huron to York, thereby avoiding the circuitous route of Lake Erie, and the inconvenience of passing along the American frontier." Here, then, in part at least, is the reason for its opening between the two bays. John Galt, in his "Canadas," (p. 168) states, also, that the Northwest Company improved the road.
Nov. 27, 1832.Sir,-In consequence of the distress experienced by some of the pensioners, the Lieutenant-Governor has represented their condition to the Secretary of State, and in the meantime His Excellency authorizes you to issue provisions to those actually at work, in proportion to their families, and the number of acres of land they clear till the first day of April next.
That is, you may make advances at the rate of five dollars per acre to those who have cleared or chopped two acres, and so on in proportion to the number of acres they may chop from this date, to the day above mentioned.
You will please to make weekly returns of the expense incurred: no outlay whatever will be sactioned beyond this rate.
If you think a useful road can be opened through Medonte during the winter to strike the Penetanguishene Road, His Excellency authorizes you to employ the settlers at the rate of one shilling and sixpence per day, in making a road in that direction.
Sir,
(Sgd.) Peter RobinsonMr. Wellesley Richie.
"I will have to request of you that you will lose know time in proceeding to accomplish this object which will, in connecetion with Mr. C. Rankin's Road from Barrie and that which His Excellency has been pleased to direct to be opened through Sunnidale, afford a line of communication from Lake Simcoe to Lake Huron where a favorable site is also to be selected for the establisment of a town....
"You will place yourself in immeditate communication with W. Richie, Esq., the agent for settling that part of the country as regards this service and that of exploring, marking, &c, the intended road to which the enclosed instructions more fully refer, as also with Mr. Deputy-Surveyor Rankin should you fall in with him."
W. Gwillimbury & Innisfil
Isaac B. Rogers
Tecumseth, Adjala & Mono
Wm. Brawley
Essa, Tosorontio & Mulmur
George Ruthven
Nottawasaga & Sunnidale
Joseph Bowerman
Vespra & Flos
Wm. Gibbard
Oro & South Orillia
Jas. Tudhope
Medonte & North Orillia
Thomas Craig
Tiny, Tay & Matchedash
Wm. B. Hamilton
"That it appears to this meeting of paramount importance to open the lines of communication between Lakes Simcoe and Huron, and that a committee be appointed to consist of the following gentlemen to suggest and report to the Municipal Council their views on the subject, and the following gentlemen were elected, with power to add to their number: Francis Hewson, chairman; Robt. Ross, Chas. Partridge, Jonathan Lane, John McWatt."
Nothing appears to have been done in the matter beyond keeping up the agitation until 1847, when, in July of that year, Henry Creswicke, the District Surveyor, accompanied by George Lount and several other gentlemen who had decided to make a survey at their own expense, explored a line through the unsettled parts of Vespra and Flos to the mouth of the Nottawasaga River. Mr. Lount and others petitioned the District Council at its session in October of the same year to establish the line of road which they had surveyed; they submitted a plan of its course, and the Council at the same session passed a by-law to establish it, the details of its course being given in the by-law itself.
"Summer Hill, seen on the high land far to the right, and commanding a noble view of the wide plain below, including Toronto with its spires and the lake view along the horizon, was originally built by Mr. Charles Thompson, whose name is associated with the former travel and postal service of the whole length of Yonge Street and the Upper Lakes. In Mr. Thompson's time, however, Summer Hill was by no means the extensive and handsome place into which it has developed since becoming the property and abode of Mr. Larratt Smith."
"A stage leaves York every day at 12 o'clock, noon, and arrives at Phelps' Inn, Holland Landing, at 7 o'clock the same evening. A stage leaves Phelps' Inn every morning at 5 o'clock, and arrives at York at 12 o'clock the same day, passing through Newmarket each way. The steamboat Colborne leaves the Holland Landing Mondays and Thursdays, at 8 o'clock in the morning, passing round Lake Simcoe.
Coach office at York, the corner of Front Street and Market Street, near the Wharfs."
"The day's journey by way of Yonge Street was easily accomplished by stage--an old-fashioned conveyance enough, swung on leather straps, and subject to tremendous jerks from loose stones on the rough road, innocent of Macadam, and full of the deepest ruts. A fellow-passenger, by way of encouragement, told me how an old man, a few weeks before, had been jolted so violently against the roof, as to leave marks of his blood there, which, being not uncommon, were left unheeded for days. My friend advised me to keep on my hat, which I had laid aside on account of the heat of the day, and I was not slow to adopt the suggestion."
"During the season, the steamboat Beaver leaves the Holland Landing for Barrie and Orillia every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, returning on the alternate days; and a stage leaves Holland Landing every morning at six o'clock for Toronto."
The partnership between Messrs. Thompson and Laughton in the northern stage line and steamboat service continued to exist down till 1850, when some misunderstanding arose between them, as a result of which Mr. Thompson built the steamboat Morning in opposition to the Beaver. On the other hand Capt. Laughton appears to have retaliated by establishing another line of stages on Yonge Street, in opposition to Mr. Thompson's. These two rival lines are thus anounced in the Directory of 1850:-
"Northern" Mail and Stage Coaches, etc., from Toronto, for Holland Landing.-A stage, in connection with the steamer Morning, on Lake Simcoe, leaves the Simcoe Stage Office, Liddell's buildings, Church Street, daily (Sundays excepted), at 7 o'clock a.m., and at 3 o'clock p.m. Another stage, in connection with the steamer Beaver, on Lake Simcoe, leaves the Western Hotel, daily, at 7 o'clock a.m."
The rivalry between these two lines of northern travel may be presumed to have waxed hot for a time, until the construction of the Northern Railway but an end to both rivals forever. But while it lasted, it was warm. The landing place of the Beaver was changed by her owner, Captain Laughton, from Holland Landing to Bradford Bridge; he likewise appears to have extended his service beyond Lake Simcoe so as to include the steamboat Gore, on Lake Huron. The entire line of travel which he controlled was advertised in the Barrie Magnet, during the summer of 1850, and the announcement is here reproduced as an interesting memento for comparison with the state of things nowadays:-
The People's Line of Stages will leave the office, Toronto, for Holland Landing and Bradford, every morning at half past sevem o'clock, passing through York Mills, Thornhill, Richmond Hill, Whitchurch Village, Newmarket, Holland Landing, and arrive at Bradford at one o'clock p.m., in time for the passengers to go by the Beaver to the several ports on Lake Simcoe.
Bradford and Holland Landing to Toronto.-Stages will leave Bradford and Holland Landing for Toronto every afternoon at two o'clock, arriving in Toronto at 8 o'clock p.m., (Sundays excepted).
Goods conveyed from Toronto to Holland Landing and Bradford, and vice versa, in spring waggons and at reduced rates. Passengers and goods for the steamer Gore on Lake Huron, are conveyed to Penetanguishene or Sturgeon Bay, with punctuality and despatch; and from Penetanguishene and Sturgeon Bay to the Beaver.
For Penetanguishene, Owen Sound, Manitoulin, Wallace Mine, St. Joseph, Bruce Mines and Sault Ste. Marie: May 9th and 19th; June 6th, 13th, 20th and 27th; July 4th, 11th, 18th and 25th; August 1st, 8th, 15th, 22nd and 29th; September 7th, 17th and 27th; October 6th, 17th and 27th; November 5th.
Returnig, will leave Sault Ste. Marie for Sturgeon Bay, touching at the before mentioned ports on the following days:-May 13th and 22nd; June 10th, 17th and 24th; July 1st, 8th, 15th, 22nd and 29th; August 5th, 12th, 19th and 26th; September 2nd, 11th and 26th; October 1st, 11th, 21st and 31st; Movember 10th.
All parcels and luggage at the risk of the owners unless booked and paid for.
WILLIAM LAUGHTONOffice in Toronto, Western Hotel, Wellington Street.
May 9th, 1850.
The subscriber respectfully informs the travelling public that the above stage leaves Barrie for Holland Landing on the mornings of Monday and Friday, at eight o'clock precisely; and returning leaves Irwin's Hotel, Holland Landing, the same evening, on the arrival of the Toronto Mail Stage.
The subscriber further begs to state, that immediately on the laying up of the steamer Beaver for the season, he will run three times a week between Barrie and Holland Landing, viz.: will leave Barrie on the mornings of Monday, Wednesday and Friday, and returning will leave the Holland Landing the same evening on the arrival of the Toronto Mail Stage.
Passengers travelling by this conveyance can proceed direct to Penetanguishene, as there will be a stage in readiness to start for that place on the arrival of the Mail Stage from Holland Landing; thus forming a direct line from Toronto to Penetanguishene and back.
Every attention given to secure the comfort and accommodation of passengers.
THOMAS McCAUSLAND,
MAIL CONTRACTOR.Barrie, 1st October, 1847.
Thomas McCausland begs to announce to the travelling portion of the community that the Mail Stage will leave Barrie daily, (commencing 1st, January), at 5 o'clock a.m., for Bradford, arriving there at ten o'clock. Returning, will leave Bradford at 3 o'clock p.m., immediately after the arrival of the Toronto mail, reaching Barrie at eight o'clock the same evening; thus forming, in connection with the Yonge Street stages, a direct daily line between Barrie and Toronto.
Places of starting: Post Office, Barrie; Todd's Tavern, Bradford.
"We beg to draw the attention of the travelling community to the advertisement of Mr. J. Morrison, announcing the commencement of a new line of stages between Barrie and Penetanguishene. From the growing importance of this route, the establishment of such a line has been hitherto much required, and we trust Mr. Morrison will receive that encouragement which so useful an enterprise deserves."
Comfortable coaches are in attendance at Barrie, every Monday and Friday, on the arrival of the steaboat Beaver, from Holland Landing, for the immediate conveyance of passengers to Penetanguishene. By this route parties proceeding to Owen Sound or Sault Ste. Marie will save ten hours for the transaction of business at Penetanguishene.
The same stages leave Penetanguishene for Barrie every Monday and Wednesday, in time for the Beaver's return.
A direct route is thus formed between the two great Lakes Ontario and Huron.
Terms:-From Barrie to Penetanguishene, 7s. 6d. Luggage, 2s. 6d. per cwt.
J. MORRISON,
Stage Proprietor.Barrie, August 6, 1847.
A large and influential meeting was held in Barrie on Monday the 8th instant, for the purpose of taking into consideration the propriety of establishing a line of stages between Barrie and Penetanguishene, and of forming a joint stock company with a view of that end. A letter was read from W. Simpson, Esq., shewing that our friends in Penetanguishene will not be backward, and that they are prepared to take a number of shares, sending also the names pf eight Penetanguishene gentlemen who are willing to subscribe stock. Mr. Stephen Jeffery, of Penetanguishene, stated the view of the Penetanguishene people, and that the line, in their opinion, should be formed at once. The Meeting was organized by Edward A. Walker, Esq., being appointed chairman, and H.B. Hopkins, Esq., secretary, when the following resolutions were passed unanimously:
Holland Landing.-George Lount. (Resigned P.M.) W.J. Sloane appointed January, 1834.
Barrie.-Commissioned 6th October, 1835. S.M. Sandford, P.M.
Orillia.-Commissioned 6th October, 1835. Gerald Alley, P.M.
Oro.-Commissioned 6th October, 1835. William Algeo, P.M.
Coldwater.-Commissioned 6th October, 1835. Thos. G. Anderson, P.M.
Oro. (after removal to new location).-Commissioned 6th August, 1836. Andrew Robertson, P.N.
Bond Head.-Commissioned 6th August, 1837. J.F. Robinson, P.M.
Flos.-Commissioned 6th August, 1837. Hugh Marlow, P.M.
"As we are to-day taking a memorial part in the erection of a new post office a short reference to the history of our postal facilities will not be deemed inappropriate. Our post office was first established in 1834 with our first merchant, Mr. Sanford, as postmaster. In the early days there used to be no regular post office nearer than Penetanguishene to the north and Holland Landing to the south. Between these two offices a mail-carrier passed on foot once a week, and he was afterwards allowed to drop and take up a mail bag on his journey to and fro at Barrie. This carrier was a half-breed and some idea of his labours and endurance may be formed from the fact that he sometimes left Penetanguishene in the morning and reached here at night and at once continuing his journey proceeded to Holland Landing and was back again in Barrie the next morning. In those days the rate of postage was governed by the distance, there being no uniform rate as we have now. The postage to Toronto on a single letter was 41/2d., or about 8 cents of our present currency. To Montreal it was 1s. 2d. or 23 cents. To Halifax it was 3s., or 60 cents, and to pay the postage on a letter to the Old Country was a privilege that could only be enjoyed by the rich. Fortunately for the poorer settlers the present system of compulsory prepayment of postage was unknown, and they were enabled, when writing home, to let their friends settle the postage. The post office which first sufficed to accommodate the public of Barrie, and indeed the residents for many miles around, consisted of a few pigeon-holes in the corner of a store, being very similar to many post offices still found in country places throughout the county. Mr. Sanford was succeeded as postmaster by Mr. McWatt, who was succeeded by Mr. Jonathan Lane. His son, Mr. Alfred Lane, was the next postmaster, and under his management our post office for the first time had a room to itself. After Mr. Alfred Lane, came Mr. Jas. Edwards."
"John Hunter, a highly esteemed pioneer, whose residence here dates from the town's earliest settlement, passed away on Thursday last, (March 15), aged 84 years. As so often happens with married couples who have grown old together, Mr. Hunter survived his wife but a few months. The funeral took place on Saturday and was well attended. If a history of the town is ever written--and it is a pity that some one does not undertake the task before the last of the pioneers are gone and their store of interesting recollections sealed to us--Mr. Hunter's name will figure therein as the man who half a century ago carried the mail between here and Barrie, thus furnishing in the winter months the only link between the world outside and the swampy hamlet by the Sydenham."
A railway or canal from Toronto to Lake Simcoe, and
A canal between Lake Huron (i.e., Georgian Bay) and Simoce.
"From the spirit and enterprise of the inhabitants of Toronto, there is every reason to believe that a railroad communication will be formed between the city and Lake Huron via Lake Simcoe; the ground is now being surveyed for the purpose."
In pursuance of public notice a meeting of the inhabitants of the united townships of Medonte, Tiny, Tay, North Orillia and Matchedash, was held at the tavern of Mr. Morrison, on the Penetanguishene Road on Monday (June 10, 50,) for the purpose of authorizing the Reeve to vote for the issue of debentures to the amount of £50,000 to aid in the construction of the Toronto, Simcoe and Lake Huron Railroad. * * G.W. Bell, Esq., Reeve, appointed chairman; E. Moon, Esq., secretary.
To Aurora, May 16th, 1853.
To Bradford, June 15th, 1853.
To Barrie, October 11th, 1853.
To Collingwood, January 1st, 1855.
"Ontario may fairly claim the credit of having taken tbe initiative in Canadian railway construction, for, with the exception of an inconsequential line in the Province of Quebec, the Ontario, Simcoe & Huron Railway--named after the three lakes on which where its chief objective points--was the first railway in the Dominion opened for passenger and freight traffic.
May 16, 1853, was an auspicious day in the history of the Queen City, of Upper Canada--and, indeed, of the whole colony--for that was the birthday of the Canadian railroad era. It was a bright, sunny morning, and all nature seemed to smile on the curious crowd that gathered in front of Sword's Hotel (now the site of the Queen's) on Front Street, and on the object of their curiosity. On the south side of the street was what was then called "a first-class passenger train."
"The Railroad.--We have been informed--but how true it may be, we know not, as our information comes from no authentic source--that the directors have decided upon the line of railway touching the town at Hagart's Corner, on the bend of the new road. We trust that this report may, at least, have foundation, as the interests of the town admit of no alternative."
Receipts were....................$ 346,393.00
Expenditures..................... $275,675.13
Balance................................$ 70,717.87
1878, Wm. McDermott, Tecumseth.
1879, Wm. Switzer, Sunnidale.
1880, John Stewart, Alliston.
1881, David Dunn, Essa.
1882, Dr. A. S. Kirkland, Nottawasaga.
1883, John Kelly, Adjala.
1884. Geo. Moberly, Collingwood.
1885, Christopher Cooke, Tecumseth.
1886, Jas. Hamilton, Nottawasaga.
1887, Jonathan Sissons, Vespra.
1888, John Gallagher, Tosorontio.
1889, Robert O'Brien, Collingwood.
Hamilton and North-Western Railway.
Northern Railway from Barrie to Gravenhurst.
Midland Railway from Orillia to Midland.
North Simcoe Railway from Colwell to Penetanguishene.
(The names of the successful candidates are italicised.)
1830. John Cawthra - W.B. Robinson.
1834. Samuel Lount, W.B. Robinson - Benjamin Hawke.
1836. Samuel Lount, W.B. Robinson, James Wickens.
In the latter part of May.............10 patents.
besides 53 in all the other months of 1836 combined. By way of comparing this total of 108 for the one township during 1836, it may be noted that in the same township 24 patents were issued during the whole of the year 1835, and 13 during the whole of the year 1837. So the motive is clear enough from the official records and figures what was the purport of the patent-granting carnival. June 13, 1836, was a memorable day for the patentees in Medonte, no less than 17 having been granted on that day alone.
In June...........................................45 patents.
Total...............................................55 patents
"On the 15th of February, 1837," Mr. Mackenzie related, "Mr. Samuel Lount, the late upright and patriotic member for Simcoe, called at my house, accompanied by Mr. Thrift Meldrum, merchant and innkeeper in Barrie, and I mentioned to them that I was collecting evidence for a pamphlet to expose the Government, as the executive influence had cheated me out of my right to do so through an election contest for the Second Riding. Mr. Lount took out his pocket memorandum book, and stated that Mr. Meldrum had been requested to open his tavern for Robinson and Wickens, at the time of the late election, and that he did so; that since the election he (Meldrum) had informed him (Lount) that on one occasion he (Meldrum) accompanied Mr. Wellesley Ritchey, the Government Agent, from Toronto to the Upper Settlement; that Mr. Ritchey called him (Meldrum) to one side at Crew's tavern, (lot 49, concession 1, Vaughan, near Richmond Hill), where the stage stopped, and told him that Sir Francis had employed him (Ritchey) to give the deeds to the settlers in Simcoe, and that he (Ritchey) wanted him (Meldrum) to assist in turning Lount out. Meldrum agreed to do his best, opened his house, and says that Wickens paid him faithfully for his liquor, etc. When Mr. Lount had read the above from his memorandum, I asked Mr. Meldrum if he could swear to these facts; he said he could, for they were perfectly correct. I then asked Mr. Lount, who gave me a number of important facts, why he did not contest the election, and he told me it would have been throwing a £100 away, and losing time, for that no one who knew who the members were, could for a moment expect justice from them."
Elm is wood,
And steel is good,
Both are tough,
And that's enough.
Bill Robinson, poor Bill, Bill,
You may go down to town,
And let the Family Compact know,
Your colours were pulled down,
United they have been,
To trample on your orange, Bill,
And hoist the white and green.
I'm sure you'll bear in mind,
The rout you got on Patrick's day,
When you got left behind.
When you come out of town,
With clubs and knives and Orange boys,
To pull Reformers down.
Unto a distant land,
The hanging of brave Van Shultz,
And Lount of high renown.
And altered they shall be,
For Sydenham's our governor,
And says he'll set us free.
TOWNSHIPS
ROBINSON
WILLSON
Adjala
97
26
Artemesia
0
0
Collingwood & Euphrasia
63
1
Essa
82
11
Gwillimbury
153
44
Innisfil
79
39
Mono
142
4
Mulmur
43
-
Medonte
39
24
Nottawasaga & Osprey
35
25
Oro
62
100
Orillia, etc.
66
-
St. Vincent
33
35
Tiny & Tay
65
-
Tecumseth
120
16
Tossorontio
24
2
Vespra, etc.
80
97
Totals
1,183
424
Majority for Robinson, 759.
TOWNSHIPS
SANSON
MORRISON
Barrie
56
45
Flos
33
31
Medonte
42
63
Nottawasaga
35
79
Orillia
53
15
Oro
75
143
Tay & Tiny
83
2
Vespra & Sunnidale
28
74
Totals
405
452
1854 - Angus Morrison, James Sanson.
1857 - Angus Morrison, (by acclamation).
1861 - D'Arcy Boulton, T.D. McConkey, Angus Morrison.
1863 - T.D. McConkey, Angus Morrison.
1867 - T.D. McConkey (by acclamation).
1872 - H.H. Cook, D'Alton McCarthy.
1874 - (January 29th), H.H. Cook, D'Alton McCarthy.
1874 - (December), H.H. Cook, D. McCarthy.
1878 - H.H. Cook, D'Alton McCarthy.
1882 - Chas. Drury, D'Alton McCarthy.
1887 - Hon. T.W. Anglin, D'Alton McCarthy.
1891 - H.H. Cook, D'Alton McCarthy.
1896 - Haughton Lennox, D'Alton McCarthy, E. Stewart.
1898 - Leighton G. McCarthy, Jas. Martin.
1900 - Chas. Cameron, Leighton G. McCarthy.
1904 - J.A. Currie, Leighton G. McCarthy.
1908 - J.A. Currie, D. Wilson.
1882 - H.H. Cook, J. Quinn.
1887 - H.H. Cook, J. Quinn.
1891 - W.H. Bennett, P.H. Spohn.
1892 - W.H. Bennett, P.H. Spohn.
1896 - D. Anderson, W.H. Bennett, H.H. Cook.
1900 - W.H. Bennett, Geo. Chew.
1904 - W.H. Bennett, R.D. Gunn.
1908 - W.H. Bennett, W. Manley Chew.
1854 - Hon. W.B. Robinson, (by acclamation).
1857 - Thos. R. Ferguson, Thomas Maconchy, Hon. W.B. Robinson.
1861 - A. Armstrong, T.R. Ferguson.
1863 - T.R. Ferguson, (by acclamation).
1867 - W.C. Little, Thos. Saunders.
1872 - W.C. Little, (by acclamation).
1874 - W.C. Little, (by acclamation).
1878 - George Fletcher, W.C. Little.
1882 - David Dunn, Richard Tyrwhitt.
1887 - Richard Tyrwhitt, --------------.
1891 - Richard Tyrwhitt, (by acclamation).
1896 - Thos. W. Lennox, Richard Tyrwhitt.
1900 - Haughton Lennox, Joseph Whiteside.
1904 - W.C. Henry, Haughton Lennox.
1908 - James Campbell, Haughton Lennox.
1867 - Wm. Lount, Angus Morrison.
1871 - W.D. Ardagh, H.H. Cook, William Lount.
After this time, the riding was divided into West and East Simcoe.
1875 - Thomas Long, T.D. McConkey.
1879 - Thomas Long, O.J. Phelps.
1883 - (February) G. Moberly, O.J. Phelps.
1883 - (December) O.J. Phelps, Thos. Wylie.
1886 - (December) W.J. Frame, Thos. Wylie.
1890 - Jos. Hood, Thomas Wylie.
1894 - Archibald Currie, J.S. Duff.
1898 - Archibald Currie, J.S. Duff.
1902 - J.S. Duff, A.B. Spencer.
1905 - J. Birnie, J.S. Duff.
1908 - Joseph A. Akitt, J.S. Duff.
1886 - William Harvey, O.J. Phelps.
1890 - Arthur Craig, Robert Paton.
1894 - Jas. Coutts, R. Paton, A.B. Thompson.
1898 - D. Davidson, A.B. Thompson, A. Train.
1902 - D. Davidson, A.B. Thompson.
1905 - C.E. Hewson, A.B. Thompson.
1908 - R. Graham, A.B. Thompson.
1875 - John Kean, Hugh Sutherland.
1879 - H.H. Cook, John C. Steele.
1882 - Chas. Drury, Dr. Slaven.
1883 - Chas. Drury, H.H. Thompson.
1886 - J.B. Clarke, Chas. Drury.
1890 - Chas. Drury, A. Miscampbell.
1894 - W.M. Harvey, W. Lawson, A. Miscampbell.
1898 - W.M. Havey, A. Miscampbell.
1902 - R.H. Jupp, J.B. Tudhope.
1905 - J. McCosh, J.B. Tudhope.
1908 - Jas. I. Hart, J.B. Tudhope.
1867 - T.R. Ferguson, (by acclamation).
1871 - T.R. Ferguson, (by acclamation).
1873 - (December) D'Arcy Boulton, Thomas Saunders.
1875 - D'Arcy Boulton, Richard Snelling.
1875 - George Dinwoodie, Hon. Wm. McDougall.
1878 - William J. Parkhill, J.W.H. Wilson.
1879 - William J. Parkhill, (by acclamation).
1883 - J.G. Hood, Geo. P. McKay.
1886 - W.H. Hammell, ------- Proctor.
1890 - W.H. Hammell, H. Lennox.
1894 - E. Jeffs, E. A. Little, Chas. Robinson.
1898 - E. A. Little, Wm. Wright.
1902 - ------- Hutton, E.A. Little.
1905 - E. A. Little, John Semple.
1906 - Alex. Ferguson,(by acclamation).
1908 - Alex. Ferguson,(by acclamation).
James Robert Gowan, Judge.
Benjamin Walker Smith, Sheriff.
Jonathan Lane, Clerk of the Court.
William B. McVity, Clerk of the Peace.
Moses Hayter, Jailer.
Benjamin W. Smith, 1843-75.
Thomas D. McConkey, 1875-90.
Orson J. Phelps, 1890-94.
Charles Drury, 1894-1905.
William M. Harvey, 1905.
Jonathan Lane, 1843-70.
James C. Morrow, 1870-7.
John McL. Stevenson, 1877-1906.
E. A. Little, 1906.
John McCosh, Deputy Clerk of the Crown, 1907.
William B. McVity, 1843-77.
James R. Cotter, 1877.
(An office created in 1858).
Henry B. Hopkins, 1858-62.
James R. Cotter, 1862.
Moses Hayter, 1843-52.
Alexander Lang, 1852-96.
Jonathan Sissons, 1896.
Breakfast: 1 pint porridge.
No other condiments were to be allowed the prisoners, but as much salt and water as they required. Ten cents a day was deemed to be quite sufficient to board each prisoner.
Dinner: 1 1/2 lbs. of bread.
Supper: 1 pint porridge (Indian or oatmeal).
1852 Orillia (renewed in 1873).
A lockup at Duntroon, which had been established at an early time, was abandoned in January, 1870, as totally useless. In 1872, Midland beame a harbor for steamboats, schooners, and various small craft. Sailors as well as laborers employed in the construction of the Midland railroad, and in the mills in course of erection during the summer of that year, made up a large portion of the population, and required more attention that the usual farming classes in the older settled communities. Accordingly, a lockup house was erected in Midland in 1872.
1856 Bradford, Collingwood and Penetanguishene.
1858 Orangeville.
1867 Coldwater.
1869 Stayner.
1870 Rosemont.
October, 1877. Cookstown.
January, 1878. Beeton (then Clarksville).
January, 1879. Creemore.
June, 1875. Tottenham.
June, 1887. Elmvale.
June, 1890. Washago and Hillsdale.
January, 1894. Wyebridge.
West Gwillimbury and Tecumseth
Oro, 1835.
Vespra, 1837.
Innisfil, 1841.
1843, Jacob Æmilius Irving.
1844-46, James Dallas, South Orillia.
1847-52, Wm. Armson, West Gwillimbury.
1853-6, Jas. Sanson, Orillia.
1857, John Craig, Medonte.
1858, Thos. Ferguson, Innisfil.
1859, George McManus, Mono.
1860-1, Thos. D. McConkey, Barrie.
1862-7, Thos. R. Ferguson, Innisfil.
1868, John Kean, Orillia Township.
1869-71, W.D. Ardagh, Barrie.
1872, Geo. Davis, Essa.
1873, John Hogg, Collingwood.
1874, Thos. Atkins, West Gwillimbury.
1875, John C. Steele, Oro.
1876, Wm. McDermott, Tecumseth.
1877, W.N. Rutledge, Medonte.
1878, David Dunn, Essa.
1879, Chas. Cameron, Collingwood.
1880, C. Cooke, Tecumseth.
1881, O.J. Phelps, Flos.
1882, Jas. Quinn, Orillia.
1883, Geo. M. Evans, West Gwillimbury.
1884, David Dunn, Essa.
1885, Robert Paton, Sunnidale.
1886, Arthur Craig, Medonte.
1887, John Stewart, Alliston.
1888, Wm. Switzer, Sunnidale.
1889, Chas. McGibbon, Penetanguishene.
1890, John Ross, Innisfil.
1891, Johnathan Sissons, Vespra.
1892, Walter Lawson, Tay.
1893, Joseph Wright, Beeton.
1894, R.E. Fletcher, Barrie.
1895, James Ross, Oro.
1896, James S. Boddy, Bradford.
1897, Wm. A. Sneath, Flos.
1898, Thos. Devitt, Medonte.
1899, P. Ronan, Adjala.
1900, W.H. Hamilton, Nottawasaga.
1901, Chas. E. Wright, Penetanguishene.
1902, Daniel Quinlan, Vespra.
1903, Robert Murphy, Tosorontio.
1904, Geo. W. Bruce, Collingwood.
1905, R.H. Jupp, Orillia.
1906, Joseph Whiteside, Essa.
1907, W.A. Boys, Barrie.
1908, D.C. Barr, Collingwood.
1909, Richard Bell, Essa.
John McWatt, 1843--January, 1852.
John Strathy, January, 1852--January, 1857.
Richard B. Bernard, January, 1857--January, 1860.
Robert T. Banting, January, 1860-1902.
Robert Jas. Fletcher, 1902.
Samuel Richardson, 1843.
James Adam, 1843-4.
Edmund S. Lally, 1845--March, 1861.
Henry R. A. Boys, March, 1861-1884.
Sydney M. Sanford, June, 1884--August 12, 1885.
Sydney J. Sanford, November, 1885-97.
Arthur Craig, November, 1897-1905.
Daniel Quinlan, 1905.
Tiny and Tay.
Orillia (North and South) and Matchedash.
Vespra, Flos and Sunnidale.
Euphrasia and Collingwood (townships).
Nottawasaga and Osprey.
1. Oro and Barrie.
2. Innisfil and West Gwillimbury, with Bradford.
3. Tecumseth and Adjala, with Beeton and Tottenham.
4. Essa and Tosorontio, with Alliston.
5. Nottawasaga and Collingwood, with Creemore and Stayner.
6. Vespra and Sunnidale.
7. Flos, Tiny and Penetanguishene.
8. Medonte and Tay, with Midland.
9. Orillia Town and townships, with Matchedash.
"The day after the battle (at Montgomery's) six hundred men of Simcoe, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Dewson, came marching down Yonge Street, headed by Highland pipers playing the national pibroch. . . . With this party were brought in sixty prisoners, tied to a long rope, most of whom were afterwards released on parole."
"A few days after some fifty or sixty rebel prisoners from about Sharon and Lloydtown, were marched down to the city, roped together, two and two in a long string; ans shortly afterwards a volunteer corps, commanded by Colonels Hill and Dewson, raised amongst the log-cabin settlers in the County of Simcoe, came down in sleighs to the city, where they did duty all winter. It was an extraordinary fact that these poor settlers, living in contentment in their log cabins, with their potato patches around, should turn out and put down a rebellion, originated among old settlers and wealthy farmers in the prosperous County of York."
"Supporters of the Government conceived themselves to be fully justified in arresting any one to was known to have professed Radical opinions. This spirit manifested itself in some exceptionally highhanded proceedings. Several hundred persons assembled at Bradford, in the township of West Gwillimbury, and formed themselves into a sort of vigilance committee. Without any pretence of authority, they intruded into the houses of suspected persons, seized all arms found on the premises, and, in not a few instances, made prisoners of the inmates. They then set out on a march to Toronto, passing through Davidtown, Holland Landing and Newmarket, and making prisoners on the way of whomsoever they thought fit. Each prisoner, upon being seized, was pinioned by one arm to a strong central rope, and was thus paraded along the highway amid the hootings and jeerings of his captors. By the time Toronto was reached the number of seizures had footed up to between fifty and sixty. The unhappy prisoners presented an ignominious spectacle was they were marched down Yonge Street into the city. Many of them were wealthty, respectable yeomen, and some of them had had no part in the insurrection. Upon being handed over to the authorities they were thrown indiscriminately into jail, where some of them were doomed to languish for months before being brought to trial."
Hugh Stoddart, Rev. Wm. McKillican, and Thomas Parker with the three West Gwillimbury companies.
1. Lieut.-Col. Elmes Steele, Medonte.
2. Lieut.-Col. James Manning, Tecumseth.
3. See footnote below.
4. Lieut.-Col. John Rose, Bradford.
5. Lieut.-Col. Thomas Lloyd, Barrie.
6. Lieut.-Col. John McWatt, Nottawasaga and Sunnidale.
7. Lieut.-Col. Benjamin Ross, Innisfil.
8. Lieut.-Col. George McManus, Mono.
(The third was either unorganized, or had no commanding officer.)
Barrie, Capt. W. S. Durie. Lieut. H. Bernard. Ensign, Joseph Rogers.
Collingwood, Capt. A. R. Stephen. Lieut. W. D. Pollard. Ensign, G. Moberly. Surgeon, A. Francis.
(The rifle companies established throughout the Province were the forerunners of the volunteer movement of 1863.)
A Battalion shed at Barrie.
Two company sheds at Collingwood.
One each at Cookstown, Orillia, Oro, Bowmore, (Duntroon), Bradford, Bond Head, Rosemont.
Lieut.-Col. James Ward.
Lieut.-Col. John B. McPhee.
Lieut.-Col. George W. Bruce, (August, 1907).
West Gwillmbury
6
Tecumseth
10
Adjala
3
Innisfil
5
Essa
5
Oro
6
Orillia
2
Medonte & Flos
3
Tiny
3
Vespra
2
Sunnidale
2
Mulmur
3
Adjala
Michael Ryan
West Gwillimbury
Rev. Wm. Fraser
Innifil
Lewis B. Algeo
Mono
George McManus
Nottawasaga
Calvin Throope
Orillia
Rev. J. MacIntyre
Oro
Edward Ryall
Sunnidale
Donald Shaw
Tay
James Keating
Tecumseth
Rev. F. L. Osler
Tiny
Wm. Simpson
Vespra
Patrick Smith
ADJALA: James Hart, 1851, June, 1855-57; Patrick Kelly, 1852-5; Rev. F. X. Pourret, 1858; Rev. Michael Shea, 1859-60; Rev. J. J. Synnott, June, 1860-6; Rev. P. Conway, June, 1866; Rev. J. Mitchell, 1867-8; Rev. R. A. O'Connor, 1869-70; Rev. T. J. Sullivan, 1871.